Dr. V.K.Maheshwari, M.A(Sociology, Philosophy) B.Sc. M. Ed, Ph. D
Former Principal, K.L.D.A.V.(P.G) College, Roorkee, India
Eight years younger than Nehru, Subhas Chandra Bose was un-
doubtedly a bright star in the Indian firmament in the first half of the
present century. As dedicated as Nehru and as egoistic as V. K. Krishna
Menon, Bose was a complicated person, a born fighter and a born
loser. As early as 1929 Bose held the view that Gandhi’s personality
would triumph over Nehru’s personal views.
Due to his burning zeal for national freedom and his single-minded-
ness of purpose, Bose developed a one-track mind. To him the enemy
of his enemy was automatically his friend. He did not subscribe to
the view that the devil one as preferably to the devil one knew
not. That explains his refusal to say anything against Nazi Germany,
Fascist Italy and Japan which had an inglorious imperialist record.
While Nehru refused to meet Mussolini, Bose was ready and eager to
co-operate with him, Hitler and militarist Japan. In spite of his long
stay in Europe as an exile and otherwise, Bose’s understanding of
international affairs remained astonishingly poor, or perhaps he did
not want to understand anything which was not in line with his pre-
conceived notions. While his dedication to the country was total, Bose
had on commitment to anything wider than nationalism— not even to
socialism.
For his re-election as President of the Indian National Congress in
1939 Bose went to the extent of inducing Rabindranath Tagore to
lobby for him. Bose was never assailed by thoughts of “means and
ends.” In fact he did not have such thoughts. Bose’s approach to
Tagore was repugnant to Nehru. After his re-election in the teeth of
Gandhi’s opposition, Bose felt that he was on the crest of a wave. He
hastily proclaimed a confrontation between the “Right” and the
“Left.” He grossly under-estimated the indispensablitiy and the in-
herent strength of Gandhi in the situation that prevailed in India at
that time. Bose’s judgment and sense of timing left much to be dwired.
This ultimately led to Bose’s resignation from the Congress President-
ship. He got himself isolated and ostracised, and formed a new party—
the Forward Bloc. Bose, who had earlier accused Nehru of lacking
revolutionary perspective” and stamina to establish an organization
and form cadres, proved himself no better. Bose eventually reduced
himself as a symbol of Bengal, and ultimately exiled himself from the
country.
About the circumstances which led to the resignation of Bose
from the Presidentship of the Congress at Tripuri, Professor Hiren
Mookerjee, in his book The Gentle Colossuse, has recorded that
history might have been different and brighter if Nehru and Bose had,
at this stage, together led left-wing forces. I do not khow if it would
have been brighter; but certainly it would have been different — the
national cause would have been weakened at a crucial stage and the
British would have been the gainers in the process.
When the Second World War was declared, Nehru happened to be
in China A little before that Gandhi visited Madras. As I was in
Madras then, I attended the public meeting at the Marina beach. The
crowed was large. Soon after the declaration of the war, Bose came to
Madras and addressed apublic meeting at the same place. It was known
earlier that Bose would be attacking Gandhi and the Old Guard as well
as Nehru. I attended the meeting which was much larger than the one
addressed by Gandhi. Some time later Nehru also came. I attended
his meeting too which was held at the same beach. The attendance at
Nehru’s meeting was infinitely larger than the previous two meetings,
Nehru had always been the most popular national leader in the south —
more popular then Gandhi himself.
Subhas Chandra Bose was free from communalism and obscurantism.
He was a truly liberated person who possessed many of the qualities
needed in a great leader of a vast country with its infinite variety, reli-
gious and linguistic
Soon after Bose arrived in Berlin during the war, he enquired about
the whereabouts of A.C.N. Nambiar whom he had known earlier in Europe
as a revolutionary. Bose narrated to him the circumstances under which
he escaped from India. He made it clear that his only aim was the freedom
of India. He said that whatever happened,
the British Empire in India was finished. If the allies won, then Nehru
would be there in India, and he would make a good Prime Minister; if
the axis powers won, he (Bose) would be there. Bose considered him-
self and Nehru as two peas in the same pod. He asked Nambiar to work
with him. Nambiar explained to Bose that he had a horror of the Nazi
regime and all it stood for and expressed his unwillingness to stay in
Germany, Bose ultimately persuaded a reluctant Nambiar to stay and
help him.
During the spring of 1942 Nehru declared that the Congress would
continue its policy of non-embarrassment to the British and that war
production should not be impeded. Bose said ‘ Jawaharlal is a fool’. He is
unnecessarily antagonising the Japanese and the Germans. The Japanese will
wreak vengeance on him when they come to this country. It is wiser
for him to keep silent if he cannot actually speak well of the Japanese.
I want to tell those who give me this advice that Jawaharlal is not the
man who will keep quiet when he ought to speak. On the other hand,
I can only reject such advice, which is essentially based on fear, with
contempt.”
At a press conference in Delhi on 12 April 1942, Nehru went to the
extent of declaring that he would even oppose Subhas Chandra Bose
and the Indian troops he had assembled from the prisoners of war with
the Japanese because Nehru considered this army as on more than “a
dummy force under Japanese control.”
At this stage both Maulana Azad and Gandhi restrained Nehru. At
the meetings of the Congress Working Committee that followed Nehru
rejected two drafts of a resolution by Gandhi. Ultimately it was Nehru’s
draft which was adopted.
At a press conference on 12 April 1942, Nehru said “it is a hate-
ful notion that after five years of war, China should be defeated; it is
a hateful notion that Russia, which represents certain human values,
which means a great deal to human civilization, should be defeated.
But, ultimately, naturally I have to judge every question from the Indian
view-point. If India perishes, I must say— selfishly if you like to call it
— it does not do me any good if other nations survived/’
Early in June 1942 Nehru told the U.P. Congress Committee: “Per-
sonally I am so sick of slavery that I am even prepared to take the risk
of anarchy.” Nehru was moving nearer to Gandhi in the crisis which
culminated in the Quite India movement of 1942.
When the news of Subhas Chandra Bose’ death in an aircraft
accident in 1945 reached him, Nehru paid tribute to his comrade in the
freedom struggle with tears rolling down his cheeks.
The twenty thousand and odd officers and men of Subhas Bose’s
Indian National Army found themselves as prisoners of war again
— this time under the British who held them guilty of treason in
having broken their oath and gone over to the enemy. The Govern-
ment of India decided to stage a public trial of three INA ofiicers — a
senseless decision of an alien government which was about to disappear.
To the British they were traitors, but to the people of India they were
the opposite of traitors. The British soon discovered that the country
was deeply stirred; that all the major political parties, including the
Muslim League, were ranged on the side of the INA; and, what was
worse, the lower ranks of serving soldiers were so touched as to pose
a threat to the stability of the Indian Army. Nehru’s attitude towards
the INA was one of human sympathy. The most unsympathetic and
uncompromisingly hostile body of men towards the INA comprised
the senior Indian officers of the Indian army from Cariappa down-
wards. This led Nehru to conclude that at no time was it possible to
reinduct and reintegrate the officers and men of the INA in the
regular Indian army.
Nehru organized the defense of the INA personnel and raised funds
for their relief and rehabilitation. Part of these funds was ear- marked
for Bose’s daughter and her Austrian mother. After the national
government came into existence the INA men were paid such pension
and other benefits as were due to them for the period of their service
in the Indian army.
Events have proved the correctness of Nehru’s assessments and the
wisdom of his stand on national and international issues from 1937 on-
wards. Subhas Chandra Bose emerged, no doubt, as a great patriot
with indomitable courage; but he was destined to fail. As in the case of
the lives of many illustrious men there was an element of tragedy in the
destiny of Bose. Future generations will remember Subhas Chandra
Bose as India’s tragic hero of the twentieth century.
REFERANCE
MY DAYS WITH NEHRU
M O MATHAI – M.O. Mathai (1909–1981) was the Private Secretary to India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru.