THE MESSAGE OF THE BHAGAWAD GITA

 

Dr. V.K.Maheshwari, M.A(Socio, Phil) B.Sc. M. Ed, Ph.D

Former Principal, K.L.D.A.V.(P.G) College, Roorkee, India

A nation’s prosperity and success depend upon wisdom like that of Krishna and on bravery like that of Arjuna. The one without other is incomplete and defective. Efficiency can best be secured by a combination of both. This is corollary to the Bhagawad-Gita; disinterested performance of one’s duty, without attachment to its fruit, at any cost and any risk, being its burthen. This is a message of all times to come for men in general ,but this is THE message for the descendants, successors and countrymen of Krishna and Arjuna, swayed as they are, at present, by the forces of ignorance, superstition, chicken-heartedness and false ideas of Dharma and Karma. In unswerving loyalty to this truth-at any cost and under any circumstances- lies the salvation of the present-day Indians. If ever any nation stood in need of a message like that of Krishna, it is the Indians of to-day. If ever the inheritors of Krishna’s name and glory stood in need of a sound doctrine to lead them to success and prosperity amidst adverse circumstances of the greatest awe-inspiring and fear-generating magnitude, it is now.

In the whole range of Sanskrit literature there is hardly any other book which is so popular and widely read and admired by all classes of Hindus as “The Bhagwad Gita” or the “The Lord’s Song.” The Mahabharata contains several Gitas, but it is the Bhagwad Gita alone which is meant and understood when people talk of the Gita. Of all the scared books of the Hindus (its sacredness being unquestionably admitted by all), the Gita is perhaps the only one which is so extensively read, admired and relied on, by all Hindu Sampradayas (religious sects and schools of theology), orthodox or heterodox, reformed or unreformed.

But while the Vedas are a sealed book to a vast majority, the Gita is open and intelligible to a large number. They can read it, understand it, and interpret it, every one in his own way. It is a thing which at once appeals to their intelligence as well as their emotions. It gives them plenty of scope for reflection, and spiritual exercise. It is rigid and elastic at the same time. It broadens the vision and expands the outlook without requiring a serious outrage on the affections. It is invigorating as well as chastening. It stimulates one’s energies and subdues one’s passions. It is a constant and ever recurring exhortation in favour of right action without attachment to its results. It shows the way to the balancing of the mind, assigning their proper places to the activities of the body and the yearnings of the soul. It is a most audacious as well as a most successful attempt to reconcile the different schools of religious thought that prevailed in ancient India at the time of its composition. But what makes it so universally acceptable is its attempt to answer the one great question that has troubled the human soul in all times and that is always present to the eyes of the mind under all circumstances, viz., how to reconcile the apparent contradictions of life. Here we are in this world of conflict, struggle and strife, more often surrounded by sin and sorrow than by virtue and happiness, more dejected by the pettiness and meanness encompassing us, than held up by the broadness of soul and the sympathy of heart which we only now and then experience; more depressed by the inconsistencies of life, the selfishness, the narrowness, the ugliness and the utter depravity of human nature than elevated by that much-sought-after and much-talked-of harmony that is said to prevail in the world.

The Gita or the Lord’s Song is an attempt to answer that question for all and for all times to come. Hence its universal popularity amongst and acceptability to all classes of people, irrespective of their differences in creed, caste and colour. How to show that, apparent contradictions notwithstanding, the world is still a consistent whole, how to reconcile the conflict between duty and sentiment is the burden of the Gita.

Standing on the field of battle between the two hosts of combatants ready to kill one another, Arjuna, the Pandu Prince, found himself perplexed by the idea of killing his kith and kin, those to whom he was bound by all the ties that are sacred and dear in this world,  Naturally enough he felt appalled at the idea of having to kill a Guru like the celebrated Dronacharya and a grand-father like Bhishma, for the sake of either of whom he would be most willing to lay down his own life. But here he was required to kill them for the sake of obtaining a kingdom for himself and his brothers. He knew well that so long as they viz., Bhishma and Drona, were in the field, fighting for the opposite side, there could be no chance of his vanquishing his adversaries.. As a sishya (a disciple) , as a grandson, as a brother, as a friend and as a man, it was a sin for him to attempt the lives of those who stood in the opposite ranks; as a prince and as a warrior; even as a brother of Yudhishthira, husband of Draupadi, son of Kunti, it was his duty to fight for the deliverance of his nation”; to restore to his brother what was lawfully and by right . Apparently slaying was a greater sin than the neglect of other duties and hence Arjuna’s inclination to retire from the battle. But then there was Lord Krishna with him, who had come to help him in the performance of his duty as a warrior and to support him by his wisdom, as he had vowed to wield arms for no party in this family war. He saw his duty clear before him. To his knowing eyes it was only disgraceful but sinful as well (perhaps more sinful than disgraceful) for a person born and bred as a Kshattriya, to be borne down by such chicken-hearted skepticism just at the time of action, in the field of battle and in the presence of the enemy. To allow this to happen would have been nothing short of criminal on the part of a greater teacher like Krishna, because that would have been allowing fraud, dishonesty, deceit and wrongful usurpation of other people’s rights to go unpunished and unrighted. Krishna was hardly a man to let this happen, at least without an effort to save the situation. So he set to his task. How he performed it, with what logic and with what success, is the subject matter of Gita.

The doubt that troubled Arjuna is a very common one. It haunts human beings day and night, and the number of those who actually succumb to it is by no means small. It is a source of constant mental conflict in the East as well as in the West. It makes no distinction of caste and colour. It is, however, difficult to have a Krishna at your side every time this demon of doubt threatens to lead you astray. Hence the value of the eternal message conveyed for all and for all ages by the Lord’s Song called Bhagawad Gita.

The story of the Gita is so natural and human, that it directly and irresistibly appeals to the innermost core of every seeker after truth. It starts where it just catches the heart of man in the natural course of life. It anticipates the various pit-falls into which he is likely to fall in his attempt to grapple with the problem of life, and then gradually extricates him from the meshes of doubt. This latter function is performed with such skill and such mastery of human nature as to make every prototype of Arjuna feel that he is at home and ending with the Divine, winding up with a detail account of the way and means of reaching the Divine. Professing all along to deal with the deepest philosophy of life, not unoften speaking in the language of mystery, it always concluded in such a way as to make it appear an open secret. Discoursing on philosophy and science, discussing the most incomprehensible and abstruse of all the questions that ever arise before the mental vision of man, -the question of what is Life and Death- solving for you the great riddle of existence and non-existence, in short, unfolding before your eager and wondering eyes the great mystery of creation and man’s place therein, it speaks to you in tones of the most captivating music. Thus it combines splendid prose with sublime poetry and thrills the listener with the vibrations of its strings, harmonized and touched by a master hand. The fact that the Gita is a song set to music by a great mind is often ignored by those who seek its support for their own pet doctrines and dogmas. Its repetitions and apparent contradictions puzzle them and they set themselves to reconcile the same, forgetting altogether the extremely human and natural origin of the song. The book was never composed to serve as doctrinal or polemical treatise. The dialogue did not begin with a question of theology or religion or philosophy. It began with the unwillingness of Arjuna to slay his own relatives and friends.

The Mahabharata, as we have it, must very largely and repeatedly tampered with, and no one can say with confidence that the Gita has altogether escaped the meddlesome hands of these literary busy-bodies. All the same it is difficult to lay one’s hand on any particular verse or verses and assert convincingly that they are subsequent interpolations. The book, therefore, must be taken and judged as it is. Even as such, with the suspicious lurking in our minds that perhaps its original purity has been tampered with by the interested machinations and mental aberrations of some designing priest after it had left the hands of its noble author, its charms are irresistible and its beauty unsurpassed, provided it is never forgotten that it is a poem and a song first and an exposition of religious truths afterwards. It is this latter character of it which puzzles people. Some maintain that it teaches Advaitism, i.e., the existence of one entity only, viz., Brahman, whilst others hold that it teaches Dvaitavada, i.e., the co-existence of two entities, the human and the supreme soul. Surely there is enough in the text for either of these theories to be maintained with a show of reason. We are, however inclined to think that the collective weight of the whole poem favours the Dvaitavadis more than it does the Advaitavadis. Each party, of course, uses the full force of all the logic and argument they can command to explain away the verses that are quoted against them. Much ingenuity and erudition has been spent in these polemic discussions and some have been carried on with such nicety and subtlety of reasons as to perplex the ordinary reader, though they might charm the philosophical mind used to hair-splitting.

Then there is the divergence between the Sankhyas and the Yogis, the former being known as the Jnanakandis and the latter as Bhaktivadis and Karamkandis . The Sankhyas hold that the Gita establishes the superiority of jnana over all other ways of knowing an realizing the supreme soul, while the Yogis dispute it, and argue that the lord has given the foremost place to yoga and action, reducing all the different ways of approaching the Almighty to the one supreme principle of Yoga.

Then there is the divergence between the Sankhyas and the Yogis, the former being known as the Jnanakandis and the latter as Bhaktivadis and Karamkandis . The Sankhyas hold that the Gita establishes the superiority of jnana over all other ways of knowing an realizing the supreme soul, while the Yogis dispute it, and argue that the lord has given the foremost place to yoga and action, reducing all the different ways of approaching the Almighty to the one supreme principle of Yoga. If the language of the book is any guide to its subject, The message of the Bhagawad Gita surely the latter position seems to be the correct one. All the chapters of Gita end by giving a name to the principal topic expounded therein and every one of these names has the word yoga attached to it, such as the Sankhya yoga, the Karma yoga, the Sanyasa yoga and so on.

Then again there is another point on which there is an equally great difference of opinion, viz., the position of Krishna himself. The Sanatanists believe that he was an Avatar and spoke as if he and the supreme soul were identical. The Arya Samajists on the other hand dispute the doctrine of incarnation and say that Krishna never meant to claim divinity of himself, and that in very many places in Gita itself he speaks of himself as a human soul, as distinguished from the Divine and that in other places he only professes to speak in the name of God.  Surely the latter position seems to be the correct one.

The disputants, however, in the eagerness of controversy and disquisition, entirely forgot that the discourse was never started the object of expounding any of these doctrines, its chief purpose being to persuade Arjuna to fight. Any one studying the book with care will see at once that throughout the eighteen discourses, the noble teacher never lost sight of his immediate object even for a moment. All that he did was use every kind of argument to convince Arjuna of the absurdity of his idea, of the unrighteousness of turning his back from the battle-field and giving way to a sentiment unworthy of a warrior, of the shamefulness of his abandoning a just cause and of the sinfulness of his being carried away by a false sentiment.In a masterly way he met all the objections of Arjuna and explained away the flaws which Arjuna found in his reasoning. But what is patent is, that in the intricacies of the logical expositions and in the labyrinth of dogma he never lets his immediate object slip out of his view. He returns to it again and again, appealing now to his sense of honour, then to his sense of duty and lastly to his reason. He goes further and quite in a human way calls his affection and regards for him into requisition. He overawes and frightens him. He claims confidence, devotion and obedience, and he succeeds. What he however maintains and expounds with all the vigour of language and earnestness of soul which he can command, is the supreme truth that, be the circumstances what they may, “Life is a mission and duty (dharma) its highest law”; that in the fulfillment of this mission and in the performance of his duty, lies the soul path to salvation or eternal bliss, that to the extent of one’s success in fulfilling this mission and in performing this duty will one ascend to the higher stage of life, which bring one nearer the goal, viz., the realization of the supreme soul and complete freedom from births or deaths, with the accompanying bliss . It is to this end that one has to make use of the Jnana, Karma, Sanyasa, Dhyana, Vijnana and different other forms of yoga enumerated therein. They are all means to an end, the immediate end being the fulfilling of the mission of one’s life leading to the ultimate one.

The mission of one’s life and  its accomplishment , is also pointed out in the Gita. It is to be determined partly by the condition (including time and place) of one’s physical birth and partly by the condition of one’s real self, i.e., one’s soul. That life is a mission, is no new truth. That this mission is determined by the condition of one’s birth and soul. What particularly troubled Arjuna was whether it was not sinful to kill Drona, Bhishma, and others even when the performance of his duty (Dharma) required such slaughter? The reply of Krishna was that it was not. If in giving this answer he gave a dissertation on the immortality of the soul, providing that no one could really be killed, it was only by way of strengthening his argument. What he meant to say definitely is that one’s individual Dharma is the supreme law of his life, is the spring by which all its movements must be regulated. It is the rudder of the ship, the compass, the guiding star and the supreme determining entity. Everything else must be subordinated to it, put under its guidance and control as existing for it and for the furtherance of its end. The slaying of one’s nearest and dearest relative, not to speak of any enemy, is not sinful if one cannot perform one’s duty (Dharma ) but by slaying him. One’s dharma cannot be anything but righteous. Hence anything which is necessary to be done in the performance of Dharma cannot be sinful. A Raja commits no sin in punishing thieves, robbers, dacoits and murderers. A patriot warrior commits no sin in killing the enemies of his country in fair fight. No-body should jump to the conclusion, however, that the Gita justifies the killing of one’s adversaries or enemies at all times and on all occasions. As to the detailed rulers of the conduct in the keeping of one’s Dharma, the Gita refers us to the shastras. All that it lays down and lays down with emphasis and without the a shadow of doubt is, that-once you know your duty or your Dharma, you are not to be turned back from it by any consideration of self-interest, love or mercy. You are not required to sacrifice any of these if the performance of your duty does not call for such sacrifice. Where there is no doubt as to the righteousness of a certain course in the performance of your Dharma you are not to lightly justify the course which appears to you to be otherwise unrighteous. But if after weighing all the pros and cons and scanning it carefully in the light of your conscience and the teaching of Shastras, you conclude that you cannot do your duty without running the risk of doing what otherwise appears to you to be sinful, your path is clear, you must do the former at any risk and at any cost. No consideration of self interest, love, or mercy, no risk of calumny, pain and injury to self other should stand in the way of your duty. That is the lesson of the Gita in the nutshell. That is the burden of the song sung by Krishna on the field of Kurukshetra 5,000 years ago in order to turn his friend and disciple Arjuna away from the sinful inclination of his mistaken mind and to dispel the vapours of sentimental ignorance and false love that were encompassing him when standing face to face with his enemies, the enemies of his brother, the enemies of his king and the enemies of his country, viz., the troops of the tyrant and the usurper who had unjustly, unlawfully, by fraud, force and deceit deprived them of their just rights and established a reign of terror and sin.

This  is the message of the Gita. Everything is only subsidiary to it and used as a means of elucidating and establishing this one truth. This is the pivot round which every arguments turns and this the sun round which all the planets with their satellites move. Let no one then confound what is only subsidiary with the central teaching. Of course every one of the various doctrines expounded or touched upon on the Gita has its own importance, every one of them has its own axis round which to move, everyone has its own light to shed, but the central sun of the whole system of the Gita is the truth that everyone must do his own duty, be true to his own Dharma, at any cost, at any risk and any sacrifice. It is exactly this that is meant by Sri Krishna when he says:

“Better one’s own duty (dharma) though destitute1 of merit, than the duty of another, well discharged. Better death in the discharge of one’s own duty; the of another is full of danger.” III. 35,

This couplet has nothing to do with creeds, doctrines and dogmas, although it is often cited as opposed to a change of religion and faith.It is not irreverent to say so, the argument seems to be more in the nature of a special pleading than a solemn and serious dissertation on religious doctrines.

The first chapter or the discourse describes the despondent state of Arjuna’s mind and is consequently called “Arjuna’s Vishada Yoga.” After giving a vivid description of the field battle and of what Arjuna said when with Krishna as his charioteer he was standing in the midst of two armies. The account is extremely pathetic, the more so, as the language employed is very simple and almost to a word similar to what every ordinary person in the world uses in a state of mind like what Arjuna is supposed to have been in at the time. Almost in a childlike way does Arjuna exclaim:-

“Seeing these my kinsmen, O Krishna, arrayed eager to fight, my limbs fail and my mouth is parched, my body quivers, and my hair stands on end, Gandiva slips from my hand and my skin burns all over. I am not ‘able to stand, my mind is whirling.’”

The nervousness that had taken possession of him is beautifully shown by making him say, “And I see adverse omens, O Krishna.” This is followed by philosophical questioning of the advantages that may be supposed to accrue by a successful ending of the war to his side. Adds Arjuna:-

“Nor do I see any advantages from slaying kinsmen arrayed in battle. For I desire not victory, O Krishna, nor pleasures, what is kingdom to us? O Govinda, what enjoyment, or even life? If those for whose sake we desire kingdom, enjoyments or pleasure stand here in battle, abandoning life and riches, teachers, fathers, sons, etc. Those I do not wish to kill, though myself slain, O Madhusudana, even for the sake of the kingship of the three worlds.”

Next is advanced the argument of the sin that is involved in the killing of the relatives and kinsmen, even though these latter “with intelligence overpowered, see no guilt in the destruction of family, no crime in hostility to friends.” Their ignorance in no way palliates the sin of those “who see the evil in destruction of family.”

In conclusion comes the argument which in Arjuna’s eyes appears to be the most conclusive and unanswerable, the subversion of family (“Kula”)-dharma and corruption and perversion of the family ties which must necessarily result from war.

Having argued this Arjuna concluded that he would rather slain by the sons of Dhritarashtra “unresisting and unarmed, in the battle,” than commit such a great sin himself. Having said so, he “sank down and on the seat of the chariot, casting away his bow and arrow, his mind overborne by grief.”

The second  discourse opens with a touching and characteristic remonstrance by Krishna worthy of a warrior-prince typical of his times. Says he,

“Whence, O Arjuna, hath his ignoble dejection befallen thee, which is characteristic of the Anaryas (non-Aryas) and which is heaven-closing and infamous. Yield no impotence, O Partha! It doth not befit thee. Shake off this paltry faint-heartedness. Stand up, Parantapa (conqueror of foes)”

This is pre-eminently the language of a noble Kshattriya, of a man who knew what it meant for a Kshatriya to behave on a field of battle in the way proposed by Arjuna. The whole duty of an Arya-Kshatriya was summed in this pathetic reproach. In one pithy but beautiful sentence it pictured the infamy of the idea and its dismissal consequences. Strong language, indeed, but for the position and the authority of the man who used it with a sure and certain aim.

The dart, however, failed, and Arjuna retorted in a language more full of bitterness and depth of feeling than wisdom.

“How, O Madhusudana, shall I attack Bhishma and Drona, with arrows in battle, they who are worthy of reverence, O Slayer of foes? Better in this world to eat even the beggar’s crust than to slay these gurus high-minded. Slaying these gurus, our well-wishers, I should taste of blood-be sprinkled feasts.”

Having said this in anger, Arjuna regained himself immediately and proceeded to adopt an attitude which he thought was more befitting his relationship with the great Krishna, viz., one of a suppliant for knowledge, light and guidance.

“Nor know I which for us be the better, that we conquer them or they conquer us-these, whom having slain we should not care to live, even these arrayed against us, the sons of Dhritarashtra. My heart is weighed down with the vice of faintness5; my mind is affected with attachment in the matter of Dharma. I ask thee which may be the better7 – that tell me decisively. I am thy disciple , suppliant to thee; teach me. For I see not what would drive away this anguish that withers up my senses, if I should attain monarchy on earth without a foe, or even the sovereignty of the gods.”

Having this addressed Krishna he is reported to have finished off by saying “I will not fight.” Krishna, then undertook to lecture on the true philosophy of life and death, distinguishing the permanent, eternal and indestructible soul from the unpermanent, changing and decaying body. He began by pointing out that Arjuna was grieving “for those that should not be grieved for,” because, said he,

“At no time I was not, nor thou, nor these princes of men, nor verily shall we ever cease to be hereafter. As he dweller in the body (meaning the spirit) findeth in the body childhood, youth and old age, so passeth he on to another body *** the contacts of the senses *** giving cold and heat, pleasure and pain, come and go, unpermanent ***. The unreal hath no being; the real never ceaseth to be****. These bodies of the embodied One, who is eternal, indestructible and boundless, are known as finite. Therefore FIGHT, O BHARATA!”

However, he returns to the same argument and points out that

“He who reagrdeth this (i.e., the soul) as a slayer and he who thinketh he is slain, both of them are ignorant. He slayeth not, nor is he slain. He is not born nor doth he die, nor having been, ceaseth any more to be; unborn, perpetual, eternal and ancient, he is not slain when the body is* slaughtered**. How can that man slay, O Partha! or cause to be slain, him, whom he knoweth (to be) indestructible, perpetual, unborn, undiminishing. As a man casting off worn out garments, taketh new ones, so the dweller in the body (i.e., the soul) casting off worn out bodies entereth into others that are new. Weapons cleave entereth into others that are new. Weapons cleave him not, not fire burneth him, nor waters wet him, nor wind drieth him away; uneleavable he, incombustible he and indeed neither to be wetted nor dried away; perpetual, all-pervasive, stable, immoveable, ancient, unthinkable, immutable he is called; therefore knowing him as such thou shouldst not grieve.”

Thus ends Krishna’s first argument, which expounds the immortality and the indestructibility of the soul in stirring poetry. The expressions used have almost to a word been borrowed from the Upanishadas, but the poetry is the author’s own. The subject dealt with is, in certain respects, a very complex one, not to be easily followed in all its various bearings and lines of thought but the meaning and purport of the writer is quiet clear. It is sufficient to know here what Krishna evidently wanted Arjuna to understand, viz., that by killing the body he was not killing the real man embodied in the body, and latter was quiet distinct in the nature and the character from the former; the body being mortal and changeable, the soul being eternal, immortal and indestructible.

The second argument is based upon the inevitableness of death. The message of the Bhagawad Gita

“Or if thou thinkest of him,” continues Krishna, “as being constantly born and constantly dying, even then O! mighty armed, thou shouldst not grieve. For certain is death for the born and certain is birth from the dead. Therefore, over the inevitable thou shouldst not grieve.”

“Beings are unmanifest in their origin, manifest in their midmost state unmanifest likewise are they in dissolution: What room (is) then for lamentation?”

The argument is wound up by pointing out that marvelous as the soul of man appears to be, it is invulnerable and not a fit subject for grief.

The third argument is based on Arjuna’s individual “Dharma”.

“Further looking to your own dharma,” says Krishna, “thou shouldst not tremble; for there is nothing more welcome to Kshattriya than righteous war . Happy the Kshattriyas, O Partha, who obtain such a fight, unsought,9 offering as an open door to heaven.”

In the next four verses he points out the consequences of not fighting, saying:-

“But if thou wilt not carry on this righteous warfare, then destroying10 or outraging thy own dharma and (with it) thy honour, thou wilt incur sin. Men will recount thy dishonour (for all times to come11), and to one highly esteemed, dishonor exceedeth death. The great warriors (or charioteers, maharathi) will think thou fledst from the battle out of fear, and thou, that wast highly thought of by them, wilt be lightly held. Many unseemly words13 will be spoken by thy enemies, slandering thy strength. What (can be) more painful than that? Slain, thou wilt obtain heaven; victorious, thou wilt enjoy the earth; therefore, stand up, O son of Kunti, resolute to fight. Not minding pleasure and pain, gain and loss, victory and defeat, grid thee for the battle; (as) thou shalt incur no sin.”

The rest of this chapter with the argument, which is based upon the philosophy of Karma (action) without attachment to its fruits.

“Thy business is with the action only,” says Krishna, “never with its fruits; so let not the fruit of action be taken be thy motive; nor be thou to inaction attached.  Perform action, O Dhananjaya, dwelling in union with the Divine, renouncing attachments and balance evenly in (i.e., without being distributed by) success of failure. This equilibrium is called yoga .”

In short the principle argument relied upon in the first part of the chapter based on the unborn and undying nature of human soul was in accordance with the Philosophy of Sankhya, but with the doctrine of karma began the teaching of yoga. In expounding this, Sri Krishna seems to speak of the karmakandis .

“Who with karma (desire) as the immediate object of the soul and heaven for its goal, offers birth, as the fruit of good action and lay too much stress on the ceremonies for the attainment of pleasure and lordship. Those who cling to pleasure and lordship and whose minds are captivated by such teachings (as lead to the same) are not endowed with that determined reason  which is steadily bent on contemplation (Woe to the person) who cannot claim a determinate reason, such as is one-pointed, because many-branched and endless are the inclinations of one who possesses an indeterminate Buddhi.”

In verse 49 Krishna points out the inferiority of karma (action such as mentioned in 43) to Buddhiyoga and calls upon him to take refuge in the pure Buddhi.

“as pitiable18 are they who work for fruits. The Munis united to Buddhi renounces the fruit which action yeildeth and (thus) liberated from the bonds of birth, they attain the blissful state.”

Upon this Arjuna asked the Lord to explain what is distinguishing mark of him who is stable of mind and steadfast in contemplation.

“How doth the stable-minded, O Keshava, how doth he sit and how walk?”

Slokas 55 to 72 contain the answer to this question, which is, so to say, the Lord’s exposition of “Buddhi Yoga”.

“When a man abandoneth, O Partha, all the desires of the heart and is satisfied in the self by the self, then is he called stable in mind. He, whose mind is free from anxiety and pains, indifferent amid pleasures, loosed from passion, fear and anger, he is called a Muni of stable mind. He who on every side is without attachment, whatever hap of fair and foul, who neither likes nor dislikes, of such a one the understanding is well-poised19. The objects of sense turn away when rejected by an abstemious soul but still desire of them may remain. Even desires, however, is lost when the Supreme is seen. The excited senses of even a wise man carry away his mind, (though he may be striving hard to control them). (Therefore) having restrained them all, he should sit harmonized, devote wholly to me, 20 for of him the understanding is well-poised whose senses are mastered.

. It may be that he wanted to gain mastery over Arjuna thereby, or it may be a subsequent alteration, because the verses preceding and following it have no connection with the idea, and the argument is quite complete without it. The expression while quite intelligible in some other places in the poem, seems to be quite out of place here.

“Man, musing on the objects of sense, conceiveth an attachment to these; from attachment ariseth desire; from desire anger cometh forth; from anger proceedeth delusion; from delusion confused memory; from confused memory the destruction of Reasons; from destruction of Reasons , he perishes. But the disciplined self, moving among sense-objects with sense free from attraction and repulsion, mastered by the self, goeth to peace. In that peace the extinction of all pains ariseth for him, for of him whose heart is peaceful the Reason soon attaineth equilibrium. There is no pure Reason for the non-harmonised, nor for the non-harmonised is there concentration; for him without concentration there is no peace, and for the unpeaceful how can there be happiness? Such of the roving sense as the mind yeildeth to, that hurries away the understanding, just as the gale hurries away a ship upon the waters. Therefore, O mighty-armed, whose senses are all completely restrained from the objects of sense, of him the understanding is well-poised. That which is the night of all beings, for the disciplined man is the time of walking; when other beings are waking, then is it night for the muni who seeth. He attaineth peace, into whom all desires flow as river flow into the ocean, which is filled with water but remaineth unmoved- not he who desireth desires. Whose forsaketh all desires and goeth onwards free from yearnings, selfless and without egoism-he goeth to peace. This is Brahman state, O son of Pritha. Having attained thereto none is bewildered. Who, even at the death hour, is established therein, he goeth to the Nirvana of Brahman.”

So far the argument originally started has been completed. With a view to make Arjuna throw of his dejection and fight, Shri Krishna started first by rebuking him and charging him with ‘un-Ayranly,’ unmanly and ignoble conduct. When that failed to have its desired effect, he explained the delusion that underlay the idea of Arjuna’s incurring the sin of killing Drona and Bhishma, etc., by expounding the unborn and undying nature of the soul and declaring that it was the latter that was the real man and not the body which was changeable, transient and unpermanent. Then followed the inevitableness of death for every one born and vice versa. The fourth step was to exhort him to be true to his Dharma, regardless of consequences, and the fifth was asking him to perform Karma without attachment to its fruit. The last is in fact the governing principle of Gita, which has been explained, all through, time after time, in different forms, under different heads and with different arguments. “Act in the living present with unswerving loyalty to your Dharma, doing whatever is necessary for the performance thereof, with no fear of incurring sin, provided your acts are strictly actuated by a sense of duty and are not tainted by an attachment to the senses or to the mundane fruit of your actions,” is the sum-total of Krishna’s teachings to Arjuna. “Dharma” (duty) is the supreme law of life that alone leads one to salvation and the state of supreme bliss (paramananda), which is the goal of every human soul assuming a body and subjecting itself, in the language of the uninitiated, to recurring births and deaths. Everything else and every other consideration must be subordinated to and controlled by your Dharma. All your energies and powers must be concentrated on that point. That must be center of your system. There is no going off and on. In the pilgrimage of your life you are successful in proportion as you have found out your Dharma and stood to it. The day you approach the highest rung in the ladder of your Dharma, you have crossed the ocean of life, got rid of the births and deaths and reached your heaven. Then you enjoy a state of perfect bliss. If on the other hand you betray your Dharma; if you are carried away from it by other considerations, viz., your own conceptions of virtues and vice, pleasure and pain, truth and falsehood; if you fail to stand to your duty and make it the rule of life under all circumstances, favourable or unfavourable; and if you allow yourself to be guided by wrong ideas and false sentiments, you are surely on the road that leads to destruction. By such a course you only deepen the whirlpool and enhance the fury of the storm wherein the frail bark of the life of your soul is being tossed up and down, forward and backward, without a way out, without a star in the horizon to cheer it up in the hour of its difficulty, and without a hope of its ever reaching the harbour of safety.

The all subsequent chapters are in a way only an amplification of Karmayoga. The mixing up of Buddhi yoga and Karmayoga, however, and certain other expressions about the supreme excellence of determinate reason, created some confusion in the mind of Arjuna and consequently in the two verses of the third chapter he begs for the clearing up of the doubt. Addressing Krishna he says,

“If it be thought by thee that knowledge is superior to action, O Janardana, why dost thou, O Kesava, enjoin on me this terrible action (i.e., war)? With these perplexing words thou hast only confused my understanding; tell me, therefore, with certainty the one way by which I may reach bliss.”

The lord replied, “In this world there is a two-fold path, as I said before, O sinless one: that of Yoga by knowledge of the Sankhyas: and that if Yoga by action of the Yogis. Man winneth not freedom from action by abstaining from activity, nor by mere renunciation doth he rise to perfection, nor can any one, even for instant remain really actionless; fro helplessly is every one driven to action by the energies born of nature. Who sitteth, controlling the organs of action but dwelling in his mind on the objects of senses, that bewildered man is called a hypocrite. But who controlling the senses by the mind O Arjuna, with the organs of actions without attachment, performeth yoga by action (he is worthy.”

“Perform thou right action, for action is superior to inaction, and inactive, even the maintenance of thy body would not be possible. The world is bound by action, unless performed for the sake of sacrifice ; for that sake, free from attachment, O son of Kunti, perform thou action. Having in ancient times emanated mankind together with sacrifice, the Lord of emanation  said: ‘By this shall ye propagate; be this to you the giver of desires; with this nourish ye the gods, may the gods nourish you; thus nourishing one another, ye shall reap the supremest good. For, nourished by sacrifice, the gods shall bestow on you the enjoyments you desire.’ A thief verily is he who enjoyeth what is given by Them without returning Them aught. The righteous, who eat the remains of the sacrifice, are freed from all sins; but the impious, who dress food for their own sakes, they verily eat sin. Food from creatures become; from rain is the production of food; rain proceedeth from sacrifice; sacrifice ariseth out of action; know thou that from Veda action groweth, and Veda from the Imperishable cometh. Therefore Brahman, the all-permeating, is ever present in sacrifice. He, who the earth doth not follow the wheel thus revolving, sinful of life and rejoicing in the senses, he, O son of Pritha, liveth in vain.” ( verses 3-16, ch. III)

Verses 10-14 explain which is meant by yajna, which is translated by the word sacrifice, though it hardly gives the whole or correct idea of yajna. In verses 12 and 13 rather strong language is used in denouncing those selfish people who act with the sole purpose of self-enjoyment, without any idea of Dharma or Karma. But this is only by the by. Verses 14 and 15 reproduce the idea which is very common in ancient Aryan literature, tracing the hand of god in every righteous action enjoined by the Vedas; while verse 16th emphatically lays down the consequences of neglecting them. Verses 17th and 18th are again puzzling and conclude in the language of riddles but the 19th is very clear and concludes the reasoning in the verses 3 to 16. “Therefore, without attachment, constantly perform action which is duty, for by performing action without attachment, man verify reacheth the supreme.” With verse 20 begins another link in the chain of Krishna’s persuasive armoury. Citing the example of Raja Janak (a highly respected name in Hindu theological literature), he tells Arjuna that having an eye to the protection of the masses also, he should perform action. He explains what he means, in verses 21 to 26:-

“Whatsoever a great man doeth, that other men also do; the standard he sitteth up, by that the people go. Here is nothing in the three worlds, O Partha, that should be done by me, nor anything unattained that might be attained; yet I mingle in action. For if I mingled not ever in action unwearied, men all around would follow my path, O son of Pritha. These worlds would fall into ruin, if I did not perform action; I should be the author of confusion of castes, and should destroy these creatures. As the ignorant act from attachment to action, O Bharata, so should the wise act without attachment, desiring the maintenance of mankind. Let no wise man unsettle the mind of ignorant people attached to action; by acting in harmony with me let him render all action attractive.”

In verse 27 another argument is advanced, viz., that “all actions are wrought by the energies of nature only; the self-deluded by egoism thinketh: ‘I am the doer.’” Verses 28 an d29 repeat the non-attachment to the fruits of action is the sign of perfect knowledge, the professor of which is exhorted not to unsettle the minds of those whose knowledge is imperfect. In conclusion the lord calls upon Arjuna to surrender all actions to Him in all sincerity to heart and to engage in battle, giving up all hope and attachment and cured of mental fever. Verses 31 and 32 are an attempt to inspire faith in His teaching.

“Who abide ever is this teaching of mine, full of faith and free from caviling, verily they are released from actions. But those who carp at my teaching and act not thereon, senseless, deluded in all knowledge, know thou them to be given over to destruction.”

Verse 35 gives the finishing touch by once more alluding to Arjuna’s own Dharma (duty) as a Kshattriya (warrior) and by holding up the danger-signal against the temptation of attempting to assume the duties (Dharma) of a different class. “Better death in the discharge of one’s own duty; the duty of another is full of danger.” Thus ends the masterly argument of Krishna. What follow are replies to question put by Arjuna, elucidating the different points that had indirectly and collaterally arisen in the course of the above argument. These replies involved learned expositions of several knotty points of doctrinal philosophy, but, in reality they are neither material to nor important for, the main purpose of the dialogue. But there are plenty of indications all through, that the latter is never dropped. Chapter III concludes with an explanation of the origin of sin in answer to Arjuna’s query, viz., “dragged on by what does a man commit sin, reluctantly, indeed, as it were by force constrained?” In chapter IV is discussed the philosophy of births and deaths, with a sermon on the nature, essence and kinds of sacrifices. The chapter, however, winds up with an exhortation to fight, in the last verse, which runs thus:-

“Therefore with the sword of wisdom of the self , cleaving asunder this ignorance-born doubt, dwelling in thy heart, be established in Yoga. Stand up, O Bharata.”

Chapter V begins with a question by Arjuna as to which of the two, “Renunciation of activities’  ‘Yoga’, is the better and more approved path. In the very next verse Lord gives a decisive opinion in favour of ‘Yoga by action’  in preference of ‘Renunciation of activities’.’ The rest of the discourse is a detailed discussion of “Sannyasa Yoga” followed by an equally masterly exposition of ‘Yoga by meditation’  in the VIth Chapter.Chapter VII to XVI both inclusive contain the poetry of the book. From the doctrinal point of view, the subject is practically the same but the language and the sentiments constitute sublime poetry and divine music. To the language of philosophy and that of science, in explaining the mystery of life and death, are added the charm of expression and the freedom of flight on the wings of the imagination. Riddles are explained away by riddles. The solutions are as perplexing as the problems. All reserve is set aside and the most complex and difficult of questions are met with the greatest boldness and in a tone of absolute confidence and unswerving faith in self. It, is as if, talking of serious matters in the language of disquisition, the writer suddenly remembers that he is composing music and writing poetry and not a book on polemics. Seemingly forgetful of the actual object in view, he transports himself to the vastness of the limitless space and lets his imagination go free. Absorbed in the beauty of his own expanded soul he sees nothing but beauty and harmony in this universe, nay, even beyond and out of it.

Considered from the point of view of the original object of the dialogue, it is a most daring and successful effort to over-awe Arjuna as well as to inspire him with confidence and faith in the wisdom of Krishna and in his to elicit implicit obedience to his will. It is an appeal to fear, love, respect, and admiration all combined, and wound up with the supreme authority of the Shastras. The concluding verses of the XVIth chapter lay down that“he who, having cast aside the ordinances of the shastras, following the promptings of desire, attaineth not to perfection, nor happiness, nor the highest goal. Therefore, let the Shastras be thy authority in determining what ought not to be done. Knowing what hath been declared by the ordinances of the Shastras, thou oughtest to work in this world.”

The reason for reference to the authority of the Shastras as regards the Duty of Arjuna is clear enough.

In chapter XVII is explained, in reply to a question to Arjuna, the condition of a man who sacrifices with faith but casting aside the ordinance of the Shastras. This leads to a discourse on sacrifices, followed by a disquisition on the essence of ‘Renunciation’  and ‘Relinquishment’  in chapter XVIII. In this last discourse, is practically recapitulated the substance of the whole teaching of Gita in a rather simple form, with special reference to the action of the three Gunas (energies), Sattva, Rajas and Tamas, because there is not an entity, according to Krishna, either on this earth or in heaven among the Gods that is free21 from these three qualities born of matter. Then is described the distribution of duties according to the qualities born of their own natures amongst the four principal castes, viz., Brahmans, Kshattriyas, Vaishyas and Sudras , every one reaching perfection by his being intent on his karma .

The next verse points out that a man winneth perfection by worshipping Him from whom all beings emanate and by whom everything is pervaded, in his own duty ; from which it only naturally follows that;

“one’s own duty is better though destitute of merits that the well-executed duty of another22; he who doeth the karma laid down by his nature incurreth no sin.”

Stress is again laid upon the same idea by saying  that “nature-born karma, though defective, ought not to be abandoned (as) all undertakings indeed are clouded by defects  as fire by smoke.” Through the masterly ingenuity with which repeated appeals are being made to Arjuna in the name of his Kshattriya Dharma. The language used is very guarded. A distinction is made in the different verses between Dharma and Karma,23 which is not very clear. The words, “destitute of merit” and “defective” are evidently used in a comparative sense to denote the superior merit and eventual excellence of the Brahman’s Dharma and Karma as compared with those of a Kshattriya. All the same the latter is clearly and unambiguously enjoined not to neglect his own. Not only does he incur no sin by performing his own duty but that is only way for him to wash off his previous sins, and improve his nature  in order to gain the next step; verses 49 to 53 pointing out the way ‘ to be fit to become a Brahman.’ Even a Brahman, however, is not free from the obligation to perform karma, though over and above that, he must take refuge in the Lord, as it by His that he attaineth the eternal indestructible abode. Speaking on behalf of the Lord, in the first person singular, Krishna takes particular care not to let Arjuna elude obedience to his wishes. He says:-

“Renouncing mentally all works in Me, intent on Me, resorting to the Yoga of discrimination , have thy thought ever on Me. Thinking of Me thou shalt overcome all obstacles by my grace: but if from egoism thou shalt not listen, thou shalt be destroyed utterly. Entrenched in egoism thou thinkest, ‘I will not fight’; to no purpose thy determination; nature will constrain thee. O son of Kunti, bound by thine own Karma, born of thine own nature, that which from delusion thou not to do, even that helplessly thou shalt perform. Ishwara dwelleth in the hearts of all beings, O Arjuna, by His Maya causing all beings to revolve, as though mounted on a potter’s wheel. Flee unto Him for shelter with all thy being, O Bharata; by His grace thou shalt obtain supreme peace, the ever-lasting dwelling place.”

It will be ridiculous to take very word literally, as, in that case the analogy of the potter’s wheel will destroy all freedom of action on the part of man, which is far from Krishna’s mind. The net of logic, philosophy, reason and faith which Krishna so skillfully and so ingeniously wove round Arjuna’s heart and brain, could not fail to have its effects. Arjuna’s doubts were completely annihilated and having been entirely subdued he gave in. Says Arjuna at last,

“Destroyed is my delusion. I have gained knowledge through Thy grace, O Achyuta. I am firm, my doubts have fled away. I will do according o Thy word.”

So did Krishna triumph, and verily “Where ever is Krishna, Yoga’s Lord, and wherever is Partha, the Archer assured are there prosperity, victory and happiness.

In short let us invoke his aid by acting up to his message and we are sure all our doubts will be dispelled, our unmanliness gone and the road to success and glory gained but surely. It will a shame if the countrymen of Krishna let any false ideas of Yoga prevail amongst them or let any false doctrines of renunciation and relinquishment enfeeble their arms.

REFERANCES

LAJPAT RAI: THE BHAGAWAD GITA.  THE INDIAN PRESS ALLAHABAD . 1908

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

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EDUCATION IN ANCIENT INDIA – ACHIEVEMENTS AND FAILURES.

Dr. V.K.Maheshwari, M.A(Socio, Phil) B.Sc. M. Ed, Ph.D

Former Principal, K.L.D.A.V.(P.G) College, Roorkee, India

The child is taken to school, and the first thing he learns is that his father is a fool, the second thing that his grandfather is a lunatic, the third thing that all his teachers are hypocrites, the fourth, that all the sacred books are lies! By the time he is sixteen he is a mass of negation, lifeless and boneless. And the result is that fifty years of such education has not produced one original man in the three presidencies…. We have learnt only weakness.

Out of the past is built the future. Look back, therefore as far as you can drink deep of the eternal fountains that are behind and after that look forward, march forward and make India brighter, greater, much higher than she ever was. Our ancestors were great. We must first recall that. We must learn the elements of our being, the blood, that courses in our veins; we must build an India yet greater than what she has been.

Nowadays everybody blames those who constantly look back to their past. It is said that so much looking back to the past is the cause of all India’s woes. To me, on the contrary, it seems that the opposite is true. So long as they forgot the past, the Hindu nation remained in a state of stupor and as soon as they have begun to look into their past, there is on every side a fresh manifestation of life. It is out of this past that the future has to be moulded; this past will become the future.

The more, therefore, the Hindus study the past, the more glorious will be their future and whoever tries to bring the past to the door of everyone, is a great benefactor to his nation. The degeneration of India came not because of the laws and customs of the ancients were bad but because they were not allowed to be carried to their legitimate conclusions

Swami Vivekananda

Knowledge,  is the third eye of man, which gives him insight into all affairs and teaches him how to act. As per classical Indian tradition “Sa vidya ya vimuktaye”, (that which liberates us is education). From the Vedic age downwards the main conception of education of the Indians has been that it is a source of illumination that gives a correct lead in the various spheres of life.

The formation of character by the proper development of the moral feeling was an important  aim of education. Like Locke, ancient Indian thinkers held that mere intellectual attainments were of less consequence than the development of a proper moral feeling and character. The Vedas being held as revealed, educationalists naturally regarded their preservation as of utmost national importance; yet they unhesitatingly declare that a person of good character with a mere smattering of the Vedic knowledge is to be preferred to a scholar, who though well versed in the Vedas, is impure in his life, thoughts and habits.  This opinion tallies remarkably with that of Socrates, who held that virtue is knowledge.

Ancient Indians held that good character cannot be divorced from good manners; the teacher was to see that in their everyday life students followed the rules of etiquette and good manners towards their seniors, equals and juniors. These rules afforded an imperceptible but effective help in the formation of character.

There can be no doubt that piety and religiousness are more characteristic of Hindu society than of any other community. The success of the educational system in moulding and forming character was also very remarkable, as proved by the testimony of a number of foreign observers, belonging to different centuries, creeds and countries, who had no particular reason to pass flattering remarks about Indian character.

Among these foreign observers, the Greeks are chronologically the earliest ( 300 B. C.). Politically they were not the allies but the opponents of the Hindus. They have made a few caustic remarks about some aspects of their culture, but they have candidly noted the high impression that the Hindu character and veracity produced on their mind. ‘Indians have never been convicted of lying. Truth and virtue they hold in high esteem  says Megasthenes in one place ( Megasthenes, Fragment 35.). This statement could not have been literally true, but it shows that the cases of cheating and swindling must have been comparatively few in society. Strabo and Megasthenes have further pointed out that law suits among the Indians were rare owing to their frank dealing. “They are not litigious. Witnesses and seals are not necessary when a man makes a deposit, he acts in trust. Their houses are usually unguarded  .”( Elliot, History, Vol. I, p. 88.)

Yuan Chwang pays an equally high compliment to the Indian character during the 7th century A.D. He has carefully noted the weak and strong points in the character of the peoples of different districts ; but while summing up his impressions of the Indian character as a whole, he says “They (i.e. Indians) are of hasty and irresolute temperament, but of pure moral principles. They will not take anything wrongfully and they yield more than fairness requires. They fear for retribution for sins in other lives and make light of what conduct produces in this life, They do not practice deceit and they keep their sworn obligations.  Majority of Indians in Yuan Chwang’s time did not share his religious beliefs and practices and yet they receive the above high compliment from the Chinese pilgrim.

Al Idrisi’s impressions of the Hindu character in western India during the 10th century A.D. are similar to those of Yuan Chwang’s. Though a Muslim, he says of the Hindus, ‘The Indians are naturally inclined to justice and never depart from it in their actions. Their good faith, honesty and fidelity to engagements are well known and they are so famous for these qualities that people flock to their country from every side ; hence the country is flourishing and their conditon pros- perous. 3 “In the thirteenth century Marco Polo also was impressed very highly by the character of the Brahmanas of Western India. “You must know” says he, “that these Brahmanas are the best merchants in the world and the most truthful, for they would never tell a lie for anything on the earth. If a foreign merchant, who does not know the ways of the country, applies to them and entrusts his goods to them, they would take charge of these and sell them in the most zealous manner, seeking zealously the profit of the foreigner and asking no commission except what he pleases to give.”  (Yule, Marco Polo, Vol. II, p. 363 (Third edition).)  When the morality of the trading classes is so high, the character of the average man must have been very noble. Ibn Batuta, another Muslim observer, describes the Marathas of Deogiri and Nandurbar of the I4th century as ‘upright, religious and trustworthy. ( Ibna Batuta, p. 228.)  The same was the view of Abul Fazl, the minister of Akbar.

Travellers, pilgrims and merchants are usually disposed to make caustic remarks about theculture and character of the foreigners among whom they have moved ; when so many of them belonging to different times and climes and professing different faiths agree in paying a high tribute to Indian character, we may well conclude that there is no exaggeration and that the educational system of the country had succeeded remarkably in its ideal of raising the national character to a high level. It is only after the 17th and 18th centuries A.D. that- we come across some foreign travellers, traders, missionaries and ex-governors passing strictures upon the Hindu character. Some of them were probably misled by their prejudices, as we find their testimony contradicted by others.  It is also possible that the Hindu character may have suffered deterioration during the long spell of foreign rule in medieval times ; for successful falsehood is usually the best defence of a slave. It is however worth observing that not a single foreign observer is found passing hostile remarks about Hindu character and honesty during the ancient period of Indian history. (  Sleeman, for instance, says : ‘Lying between members of the same village is almost unknown.’ I have had hundreds of cases before me in which a man’s property, liberty and life depended upon his telling a lie, and he refused from telling it,’ Quoted by  Mullet in India, What It can teach Us, p. 50.

The development of personality was in fact the most important aim of the education. This was sought to be realized by eulogizing the feeling of self -respect, by encouraging the sense of self -restraint and by fostering the powers of discrimination and judgment. The student was always to remember that he was the custodian and the torch-bearer of the culture of the race. Its welfare depended upon his proper discharge of his duties. If the warrior shines on the battlefield, or if the king is successful as a governor, it is all due to their proper training and education .To support the poor student was the sacred duty of society, the non- performance of which would lead to dire spiritual calamities. A well trained youth, who had finished his education, was to be honored more than the king himself. It is but natural that such an atmosphere should develop the student’s self-respect in a remarkable manner.

Hindu achievements, however, in the different walks of life and branches of knowledge were fairly of a high order in ancient India down to the 6th century A.D. Things however changed for the worse from the 6th century A. D. Brahmacharya discipline became nominal when a vast majority of students began to marry at a very early age ; growth of independent judgment became stunted with the growing veneration for the past and its time-hallowed traditions. Self- confidence and self-respect disappeared in a great measure when society suffered from the convulsions of sudden foreign invasions and long alien rule, frequently imposing a hated religion and strange culture with the aid of the sword. We must not judge the success of the ancient Indian educational system in building personality of students by the conclusions based upon its products at the advent of the British rule.

The preservation and spread of national heritage and culture another most important aims of the Ancient Indian System of Education. It is well recognised that education is the chief means of social and cultural continuity and that it will fail in its purpose if it did not teach the rising generation to accept and maintain the best traditions of thought and action and transmit the heritage of the past to the future generations. Anyone who takes even a cursory view of Hindu writings on the subject is impressed by the deep concern that was felt for the preservation and transmission of the entire literary, cultural and professional heritage of the race. Members of the professions were to train their children in their own lines, rendering available to the rising generation at the outset of its career all the skill and processes that were acquired after painful efforts of the bygone generations. The services of the whole Aryan community were conscripted for the purpose of the preservation of the Vedic literature. Every Aryan must learn at least a portion of his sacred literary heritage.

It was an incumbent duty on the priestly class to commit the whole of the Vedic literature to memory in order to ensure its transmission to unborn generations. A section of the Brahmana community, however, was always available to sacrifice its life and talents in order to ensure the preservation of the sacred texts. Theirs was a life-long and almost a tragic devotion to the cause of learning. For, they consented to spend their life in committing to memory what others and not they could interpret. Secular benefits that they could expect -were few and not at all commensurate with the labour involved. Remaining sections of the Brahmana community were fostering the studies of the different branches of liberal education, like grammar, literature, poetic, law, philosophy and logic. They were not only preserving the knowledge of the ancients in these branches, but constantly increasing its boundaries by their own contributions, which were being made down to the medieval times. Specialization became a natural consequence of this tendency and it tended to make education deep rather than broad.

Friends and foes have alike admitted that the ancient Indian system of education has been eminently successful in its aim of the preservation o ancient literary and cultural heritage. Very few of the Vedic works have been lost. It is indeed a wonder how so vast a literature could have been preserved without the help of the art of writing for the task. Among post- Vedic works too, the number of valuable book loss is not considerable. And here also the losses would’ have been practically insignificant if the destruction of temples and monasteries had not taken place on a wide scale at the time of the invasions of the Mahomadens and during their subsequent long rule.

The surprising amount of cultural uniformity that is to be seen even now over the length and breadth of India is mainly due to the successful preservation and spread of ancient culture and civilisation. If there are several features, common to Hindu life, all over the country, contributing to Hindu unity, the credit has to be largely given to the educational system, which has produced uniformity in the culture and outlook on life of the Hindu community. The remarkable success of Indian missionaries in spreading Indian culture in Indian Archipelago, Siam, China, Japan, Tibet, and Central Asia must be attributed to the success of the educational system in enkindling a strong zest in the minds of students for spreading the national culture and heritage far and wide, both in India and outside.

The success of the educational system in infusing a sense of civic responsibility and promoting social efficiency and happiness, which were two of its important aims, was also remarkable. It was but natural that the educational system should have taken the help of the religious feeling and the caste discipline for infusing the sense of civic responsibility. Society had accepted the theory of division of work, which was mainly governed in later times by the principle of heredity. Exceptional talent could always select the profession it liked; Brahmanas and Vaishyas as kings and fighters, Kshatriyas and even Shudras as philosophers and religious teachers, make their appearance throughout the Indian history. It was however deemed to be in the interest of the average man that he should follow his family’s calling. The educational system sought to qualify the members of the rising generation for their more or less pre-determined spheres of life. Each trade, guild and family trained its children in its own profession. This system may have sacrificed the individual inclinations of few, but it was undoubtedly in the interest of many.

Differentiation of functions and their specialization in hereditary families naturally heightened the efficiency of trades and professions, and thus contributed to social efficiency. By thus promoting the progress of the different branches of knowledge, arts and professions, and by emphasizing civic duties and responsibilities on the mind of the rising generation, the educational system contributed materially to the general efficiency and happiness of society.

The average man in ancient India was always loyal to the interests of his guild, village and caste. It was the success of the educational system ;n promoting social efficiency, which enabled Hindu society to be in the vanguard of the march of civilisation for several centuries. It is true that this ceased to be the case from about the 10th century A.D. ; but the failure during the last millennium in this connection should not blind us to the success in the preceding long period of more than two thousand years.

Religion had an immense hold over the Hindu mind and many of the admirable features of the educational system have to be attributed to this circumstance. It did not make the educational outlook ‘otherworldly’, as is supposed in certain quarters. The ideals of the Vanaprastha and the Sanyasa were no doubt purely spiritual, but such was not the case with the ideals of the educational system. It aimed at producing youths eminently fit to perform their civic and social duties ; if any spiritual merit for the life to come was to result from Brahmacharya, it was to be through the proper performance of duties, which however were principally determined with a view to make the student an efficient and God-fearing citizen.

The majority of teachers in ancient India were priests, as was the case all over the ancient world. They did not exploit their position for promoting any selfish ends of their own, but they had the natural limitations of their class. When the even balance that was for a long time successfully held in Hindu society between the claims of religious and secular life (Dharma-Moksha versus Artha-Kama) was disturbed, religious and semi-religious studies got undue predominance in the educational system. Secular sciences like history, economics, politics, mathematics and astronomy did not receive as much attention as theology, philosophy,, ritualism and sacred law. Commerce and industry and fine and useful arts made no appreciable progress during the last 1500 years or so, because those in charge of education showed no keen interest in them.

It may however be interesting to note that down to the 18th century, educationalists in Europe also regarded religious studies as the most important constituents of the educational course ; many of them like Franke and Comenius held that all children should be instructed above all things in the vital knowledge of God and Christ.  (Greaves, Educators, pp 723,)

A greater defect produced by the hold of religion over the Hindu mind was the tendency to hold reason at a discount, which became prominent a few centuries after the Christian era. Such was not the case in earlier times, when society used to value intellectual freedom highly.Upanishadic thinkers have, for example, advocated bold and original theories of philosophy without showing any anxiety whatever to prove that their views were in consonance with those of the Vedic sages. In the days of the Buddha there were as many as sixty three systems of philosophy, very few of which cared to rely on Vedic authority for their premises or conclusions. Systems of philosophy like the Samkhya and the Mimansa, which did not recognise a Creator-God, were admitted within the fold of orthodoxy. Buddhism and Jainism were not summarily dismissed as athiestic or heterodox ; their scriptures were carefully studied in order to prove that their theories were unsound. For a long time society was successful in reconciling its reverence for the past with its regard for the advance of knowledge ; it used to silently abandon exploded views and quietly accept new theories and doctrines.

Unfortunately for the progress of learning and scholarship Vedic literature was canonised some time about 600 B.C. An almost equally high reverence came to be paid to the Smritis and Puranas in course of time. The authorship of these works came to be attributed to divine or inspired agency, and it was averred that what they contained could not be false, what they opposed could not be true. Theories began to be accepted or rejected according as they were in conformity with or opposed to the statements of the sacred books on the point. Intellectual giants like Sankara and Ramanuja had to spend a disproportionate amount of time and energy to prove that their systems of philosophy were in conformity with and the natural outcomes of the Upanishadic hypotheses. If the hold of the Srutis and Smritis were not so exacting, there would have been freer development of philosophy. At any rate many of the remarkable intellects of the Middle Ages would have found it possible to write independent works on their own systems of philosophy instead of being compelled to present it unsystematic ally, while engaged in the ostensible task of writing commentaries on the revealed literature.

Under such circumstances, there was not much scope left for research and originality in those matters where opinions were expressed in sacred texts. For example in the infancy of astronomy, the eclipses were explained by the mythological stories about Rahu and Ketu attacking and temporarily overpowering the moon and the sun. It was an evil day for the advance of astronomy when this mythological version got a canonical sanction by its inclusion in the Puranas. Hindu astronomers like Aryabhata, Brahmagupta, Varahamihira and Bhaskaracharya knew the true causes of eclipses, but felt powerless to carry vigorous propaganda to explode their popular and mythological explanation canonised by the Puranas. Even, Brahmagupta, with a view to win cheap popularity, went to the extent of advocating that the popular view was correct, when he knew full well that such was not the case. In Chapter I of his Brahma-siddhanta, he gives both the popular and scientific theories about the eclipses, but advocates the cause of the former. “Some people think that the eclipse is not caused by the Head (of Rahu or Ketu). This, however, is a foolish idea. The Veda, which is the word of God from the mouth of Brahman, says that the Head eclipses, likewise Manusmriti and Carak-  samhita”.  ( As quoted by Alberuni, Vol. II, pp. 110-1.) What is, however, most lamentable is that Brahmagupta, who knew full well the real cause of eclipses, should have proceeded to condemn Aryabhata, Varahamihira, Srishena and Vishnuchandra for expounding the unorthodox but scientific theory that eclipses are caused by the shadow of the eaith. It is important to note that Brahmagupta becomes guilty of intellectual and moral dishonesty because he was anxious to win cheap popularity by supporting the popular view that what was contained in the Vedas and Manusmriti could not be untrue. It is interesting to note that Varahamihira first combats the Rahu-Ketu theory,  but then immediately succumbs to it.  Arya-bhata alone has perhaps the moral courage to be consistent with his intellectual convictions. But he also only hints that the popular theory is wrong, but does not dare to attack it openly.  The Rahu-Ketu theory of eclipses has continued to retain its hold over the popular Hindu mind for the last 1500 years and more, inspite of the scientific discovery of the true cause of eclipses, the reason is that Hindu scholarship of later times was too much in the leading strings of religion to carry on active propaganda against its hypotheses.

Similarly astronomers continued to subscribe to the view that the constellation of the Great Bear moves from one lunar mansion to another in a hundred years, even when they had discovered that such was not the case. The discontinuance of dissection in the medical training and the abandonment of agriculture by the Brahmanas, Buddhists and Jains are also to be attributed to the hold of the progressively puritanical notions over the popular mind.

It is, however, but fair to observe that in Europe too, reason had to beat a hasty and precipitate retreat when in conflict with the dicta of scriptures down to the beginning of the modern age. Galileo had to suffer for his astronomical discoveries. Throughout the middle Ages, educationalists were more anxious to impart traditional theories and formulae  to train minds, capable of forming their own conclusions. Medieval philosophers and commentators were utilizing reason only to prove that the scriptural hypotheses were correct.

The truth was that the Reformers were unwilling to concede to others the right to interpret scriptures, which they claimed for themselves. If therefore reason was at a discount in India from the beginning of Middle Ages, (c. 500 A.D.) we must also note that the same was the case in Europe down to the beginning of the modern age. We should not further forget that reason was given full scope by the Hindu scholars and thinkers for more than about 1500 years, when it was superseded by the exigencies of the religious situation. The historian, however, cannot help regretting that super session of reason should have taken place among a people, who had given full scope to it for several centuries.

Enrichment of the culture of the past along with its preservation continued to be the goal of the Indian educational system for several centuries. Intellect and reason were for a long time given full scope, originality was encouraged, and as a result we find remarkable creative activity in the domain of theology, philosophy, philology, grammar, logic, astronomy, mathematics, medicine, etc., down to about 500 A.D. Indian achievements in many of these fields were remarkable, judged either by the contemporary or by the absolute standard Scholars from China, Korea, Tibet and Arabia used to visit India in order to learn what she had to teach in the realms of religion, medicine, mathematics and astronomy.

Towards the beginning of the 9th century A.D., the creative vein in the Indian intellect got fatigued after an intense activity of more than 2,000 years. Hindu intellect had probably become old and no longer possess- ed the energy necessary to open out new paths of thought and action. Probably the heritage of the past became so great that all the ability of scholars was engrossed in preserving it. As also was the case in Europe down to the 16th century A.D., the habit of looking back to the past for inspiration and guidance became quite common ; it began to be instinctively felt that not much could be expected from the present. ! The creative phase of (the Greek or the Roman intellect lasted for about 1,000 years only.) The golden age of inspiration had gone, no new achievements were possible, the best that the age could do was to preserve, expound or comment upon the masterpieces of the past. Hindu educational system was unable to create minds powerful enough to rise above the influence of these theories. For the last one thousand years and more, the Hindus have been writing only digests and commentaries on the works of earlier periods. Creative activity has come to a practical standstill.

In Europe too the Middle Ages were a period of intellectual repression. Jesuitical education also produced not creative or original but receptive and imitative minds. The Renaissance and Reformation movements, however, eventually succeeded in establishing an era of intellectual independence and originality in Europe ; in India, on the other hand the foreign rule and its natural consequences continued the spirit of the Middle Ages down to the time of the national reawakening towards the end of the 19th century.

Owing to its excessive reverence for the past, the Hindu intellect ceased to be assimilative from about 800 A. D, Hindu sculptors assimilated Greek methods and enriched Indian art. Early astronomers like Aryabhata and Varahamihira were keeping themselves in touch with the activities and achievements of the workers in the same field outside India. Varahamihira (c. 500 A. D.) pays even a handsome compliment to Greek astronomers and observes “The Greeks are no doubt Mlechhas (impure), but they are well grounded in astronomy and are therefore worshipped and honoured like the Rishis.”  A remarkable change for the worse took place in the Hindu attitude towards foreign scholarship within a couple of centuries or so after Varahamihira’s death. Implicit faith in the past and in the correctness of its canonised tradition made the Hindu scholar narrow, bigotted and conceited. Of the Hindu men of letters of the 11th century A. D., Alberuni observes, “They are haughty, foolish, vain, stolid and self-conceited. According to their belief, there is no country on the earth but theirs, no other race of men but theirs, and no created beings beside them that have any knowledge or science whatever. Their haughtiness is such that if you tell them of any science or scholar in Khurasan or Persia, they will think you to be both an ignbramus and a liar. If they travelled and mixed with other nations, they would soon change their mind, for their ancestors were not so narrow-minded as the present generation is  ”. In proof of the last assertion Alberuni quotes the tribute of Varahamihira to Greek ‘astronorhers, quoted above. Hindus in Alberuni’s time had very good reason to feel a very deep prejudice against Muslim scholarship ; Alberuni’s picture may have been to some extent overdrawn. But the contemporary Hindu attitude towards the  Smritis and Puranas and other works of the past, would show that Alberuni’s account of the mentality of the contemporary Hindu scholar is substantially true. Hindu education had ceased to remove prejudices, explode superstitions and broaden the mind, so as to keep it capable of receiving instructions from all quarters by the beginning of the 9th century A. D. Hindu colonising activity, necessitating travel abroad, had also come to an end by this time. Some Hindu doctors are no doubt known to have proceeded to Baghdad at the invitation of Khalifa Harun (786 A.D. 808 A.D.) to act as chief physicians in his hospitals ; we however do not know whether public opinion approved of their conduct, whether they returned home and were readmitted to Hindu society. Foreign travel for the purpose of education and the broadening of views became impossible when the sea voyage was prohibited. Whether it was undertaken in earlier days also for these objects is doubtful.

There are no books in Sanskrit literature descriptive of geography, manners and climate of the countries adjacent to India. Nor do the Pauranic geographers seem to have been in touch with Skill in manual training and industrial arts was highly appreciated in early times. Liberal and ‘useful education was usually combined among high class workers. Brahmanas used to be skilled in mining and metallurgy, medical and military sciences. Weavers were often amateur students of literature, folk lore, astronomy and the art of war. This combination of liberal and useful education began to become progressively rare after the Gupta age. The status of the Vaishya became assimilated to that of , the Sudra as early as the 1st century A.D. and talented  persons among the intellectual classes began to think it below their dignity to follow useful and industrial arts. Like European classical scholars of the Renaissance period, Indian scholars became fascinated by the charms of the classical literature. Absorbed in the beauty of words and ideas, they neglected the world of Nature.

Mathematics and astronomy, sculpture and architecture ceased to attract them. The level of intelligence among the industrial classes therefore became lowered down when their education became rigidly confined to the technique and processes of their own professions from about the 9th century A. D. As a natural consequence of such a state of affairs, the growth and development of the fine, useful and industrial arts became arrested in India from about the 8th century A.D. No advance is to be seen after that date in the realms of sculpture, painting, mining, surgery, etc. The old type of learning became stereotyped and it soon began to degenerate. It is true that India continued to retain her dominating position in the weaving industry down to the beginning of the last century ; but it is doubtful whether any progress was made in the technique or processes of manufacture during the last one thousand years.

Education of Masses neglected in later Times. At the time when India was making rapid strides in the different domains of knowledge, her education was broad-based. In ancient Athens one in ten and in’ ancient Sparta one in twenty five received education,  and women’s education was altogether neglected. The case was much different in India down to the commencement of the Christian era. Literacy among the Aryans was probably as high as 60 per cent in the days of Asoka. Anxious thought and care were also bestowed on female education. Things, however, gradually changed for the worse in the first millennium of the Christian era. The education of women began to be neglected. Kshatriyas and Vaishyas began to become progressively illiterate. It is true that in Europe also the masses were little more than barbarous and took more naturally to warfare than to schooling down to the end of the Middle Ages.  We can, however, hardly derive any consolation from this comparison, for the prevalent illiteracy in India was due to degeneration from a more creditable condition, obtaining in earlier centuries.

Hindu educational system was unable to promote the education of the masses probably because of its concentration on Sanskrit and the neglect of the vernaculars. The revival of Sanskrit that took place early in the first millennium was undoubtedly productive of much good; it immensely enriched the different branches of Sanskrif literature which began to reflect the ideals and ideas of the individual and the race. But owing to the deep fascination for Sanskrit, society began to identify the educated man with the classical scholar as was the. case in the Europe of the Renaissance period. But when the best minds became engaged in expressing their thoughts in Sanskrit, Prakrits were naturally neglected. As long as Sanskrit was intelligible to the ordinary individual, this was not productive of much harm. But from about the 8th century A.D. Prakrits and vernaculars became widely differentiated from Sanskrit, and those who were using them began to find it difficult to understand the latter language. Hindu educationalists did not realise the importance of developing vernacular literatures in the interest of the man in the Street. Alberuni observes, “The language in India is divided into a neglected vernacular one, only in use among the common people, and a classical one, only in use among the upper and educated classes, which is much cultivated.” (Saohau, I, p. 15 Some poems and dramas were written in Prakrit, bat their number was very small.)

We no doubt come across a few cases from the 13th century onwards where provision was made for the .teaching of Telugu, Canarese and Marathi in some of of the schools and colleges of South India, but the general impression produced by a survey of the educational system and institutions is that society was not alive to the importance of the teaching and development of vernaculars in the interest of the spread of education among the masses. Things in India were however quite on a par with’ what they were in contemporary Europe, where Latin continued to be the medium of instruction down to the 17th century A.D. The classics dominated the curriculum of the Public Schools in England down to 1850 A.D., boys could write better Latin than English. In the 16th century school boys were punished for using the mother tongue, and its study could be started in Jesuitical schools only with the special permission of the Provincial. India however could have been much in advance of the world ideas in this matter if the impetus that was given to the cultivation of vernaculars by the two gifted Seers, Mahavira and the Buddha, had not died down owing to the revival of Sanskrit.

Hindu education was thorough, but it was not sufficiently broad. Each branch was thinking of its own problems. Educationalists do not seem to have bestowed much thought on the relative utility of the study of the different branches like grammar, literature, logic, philosophy, mathematics and fine arts for the development of the intellect, the mind and the imagination. Specialisation was started too early. A broad-based secondary course embracing a study of grammar, literature, mathematics, astronomy and history did not exist. ( Many sided interests were not created probably because it was difficult to maintain them in later life in an age when cheap books were unknown.)

Subjects of aesthetic value like music and painting did not form part of the general course, as they did in ancient Greece. An undue emphasis was laid on grammar literature and logic at the cost of history, mathematics and astronomy. Here again the impartial historian has to point out that this defect of the Hindu educational system was not peculiar to India, but was to be seen all over the civilized world. In Europe all the energies of teachers and students were concentrated on grammar, rhetoric and dialectics down to the 13th century ; only that much knowledge of arithmetic was given which was necessary to calculate Church festivals. Geography was ignored altogether till an incentive to its study was given by the discoveries of Columbus and Vasco de Gama. Natural sciences were introduced very reluctantly only by the middle of the last century.

Some of the defects noted above like the neglect of the education of women and the masses crept into the Hindu Educational System only in later times ; others like the non-existence of a broad-based secondary course and the neglect of the vernaculars were common to all the contemporary systems. The twentieth century critic often forgets that the West has gone on progressing rapidly during the last 300 years owing to the impetus it has received from the Renaissance, the Reformation and the Scientific Movement, while India has gone on deteriorating ever since 1000 A.D. owing to the almost continuous foreign rule and its natural consequences. The Muslim conquerors no doubt became domiciled in India, but they were on the whole unable to appreciate and encourage Hindu culture and education to any appreciable extent. The effects of the Muslim rule on the learning and scholarship of the Hindus can be described in the words of a Muslim himself. While describing the state of Hindu learning after the invasions of Mahmud of Ghazni, Alberuni observes, ‘The present times are not of this kind ; they are the very opposite, (because there is no royal support or encouragement to learning), and therefore it is quite impossible that a new science or any new kind of research should arise in our days. What we have of sciences is but the scanty remains of bygone better times’ Bernier, while describing the state of Hindu education in Benares towards the middle  :the 17th .century, observes,  ”Students stay for ten or twelve years during which the work of instruction proceeds but slowly. Feeling no spirit of emulation and entertaining no hope that honour or emoluments may be the reward of extraordinary attainments as with us, the scholars pursue the studies slowly, without much to distract their ‘attention.” The Report of the Bengal Provincial Committee, Education Commission, 1882, observes, ‘The Mahomaden conquest proved disastrous to all indigenous educational institutions..  The proprietary rights in land changed hands. The language of the court was changed. Indigenous learning lost most of its support In course of time the Musalman teachers and schools drew off the largest portion of the upper and the middle classes of the community and the pathasalas either died or barely managed to survive.’

It is therefore hardly fair to compare ‘the scanty remains of bye-gone better times’ with the tremendous advance the West has made during the last century and half under very favorable circumstances . The impartial historian will have to note that in the heyday of her glory. Education in India was broad-based, women and a large section of the masses being admitted to its privileges and advantages. It was able to develop character and personality, to inculcate civic virtues, and to turn out citizens well qualified to follow their professions and discharge their duties in life. It introduced a high standard of culture and emphasized the necessity of self-imposed” discipline and “stern regard for duty.

REFERANCES:

Radha Kumud Mookerji :Ancient Indian Education -
A. S. Altekar
Education in Ancient India -
Swami Tattwananda:
Ancient Indian Culture at a Glance -
Benoy Kumar Sarkar: Creative India
Gurumurthy. S: Education in South India

Radha Kumud Mookerji : Hindu Civilization –

 

 

 

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Lala Lajpat Rai on KRISHNA

Dr. V.K.MaheshwariM.A(Socio, Phil) B.Sc. M. Ed, Ph.D

Former Principal, K.L.D.A.V.(P.G) College, Roorkee, India

This article was written at Lahore on 6 November 1900

I shall consider myself fortunate if by reading this article some Aryans come to realize that all the vile and vulgar allegations made against Shri Krishna are wholly unfounded and false.

Man has the tendency to bow before the superior strength and ability. When he finds some man being more capable than himself and is unable to understand its reason he is drawn to him. He begins to believe that the man with the superior capability is the primeval man having unique qualities and powers the like of whom no one can ever create nor can he be ever destroyed by anyone. However, the educated and spiritually advanced communities, even though their adulation of their heroes borders on worship, do not forget the distinction between the heroes and their maker, but the communities which are caught in the net of darkness because of the lack of education cannot make such a distinction. However loudly people may denounce hero-worship, the fact remains that no community is free from this failing. There is no system of education which does not promote hero worship. The people proudly say that they worship only one God also have their own heroes whom they worship.

In the Vedic Sanskrit the word agni has been used for one Supreme God and in the ancient Sanskrit literature in general it has been used for scholars, seers, mahatmas and enlightened souls. The word deva or devatas means God in Sanskrit, though it is also used for a great man. The English word ‘God’ stands for the Supreme being, but into plural form it is used for gods in general. The followers of Islam call Prophet Mohammed Noor-e-Illahi (Light of God), Jesus Christ is regarded by Christians as the Son of God and Buddhists use the word ‘Lord’ while referring to Buddha. Similarly, Aryans regard Shri Ram and Shri Krishna as incarnations of God. Adoration and worship of enlightened souls, learned men and seers has been the practice among the Hindus since the Vedic times.

In  Aryavarta Buddhists were the first to express doubts about the existence of God and it was the Buddhist teaching which was responsible for the worship of God being replaced by the  worship of man among the people of this sacred land. This idea of incarnation spread like the forest fire. The Puranas also dealt with this theme and their pages were filled with stories of incarnations. The idea of incarnation began to pervade all religious thinking. Scholars and experts in metaphysical speculation so manipulated that all the prevailing religious doctrine, whether good or bad, were attributed to God. The accounts of the lives of great men were so molded that the people of other communities and countries began to treat them as false, artificial and profane.

The injustice that has been done to Shri Krishna by the excessive enthusiasm of the poets for him does not find a parallel in the literature of any other country. They created all kinds of misconceptions in the minds of the people about him. Tulsidas also waxed eloquent in the praise of Shri Rama but he did not raise him to the level to which the devotees of Shri Krishna did, the reason perhaps being that Shri Rama was not given like Shri Krishna the title of preceptor. Shri Rama was turned into tragic hero by the malice of his stepmother Kaikeyi and the poets placed on his head the crown of filial and fraternal love. But such a crown best adorns the head of a person who leads a completely religious life. In other words, his total personality should be such that crown should be fit him fully and should also have a good effect on the people. Although Shri Rama’s life was examplary, there was a great difference between him and Shri Krishna. Shri Krishna is not only considered as the ideal of true love, romance and bravery but also as an ideal preceptor. He was born at a time when the boat of the Vedic religious was getting sucked into the whirlpool of barren metaphysical speculations and the doctrine of renunciation and religion seemed to have lost their moorings. At such a time Shri Krishna had to give a discourse on religion. He was therefore looked upon as a great preceptor and there is hardly anyone among our countrymen who has not been influenced in a greater or lesser degree by his discourse. Everyone swears by Shri Krishna, cites his utterances and quotes him as an authority. It would not be an exaggeration to say that the religious firmament of India is even today radiant with the teachings of Shri Krishna.

Hardly twenty years have passed when we were studying in Government schools and when Shri Krishna was considered as the doer of all those unsacred things which are shown in Krishnalila or Rasalila. Shri Krishna then was perceived by us as being prone to self-indulgence, craving for sensual pleasures and crooked. Enemies of the Aryans religion has spread such misinformation about Shri Krishna that instead of harbouring feelings of love and devotion for him in our hearts, we felt a sense of shame on his account in the presence of others, and developed nothing but hatred for him.

Then I heard my inner voice saying, “How is it that while some people associate Shri Krishna with frivolity and vulgarity, others hail him as the author of such a great work as the Gita? As regards the seriousness of the subject, quality of teachings, simplicity or language, and message of love and devotion, the Gita is par excellence and its language and style are unique.” The moment I heard this I further thought: “One who expounded morality and taught the lesson of Gita how could he be indulgent, wanton and sensual as depicted in Krishnalila? Was it not likely that those who attributed such undesirable acts to him might have been misled by the crude symbolism of poets? It could not be believed that Shri Krishna could be such as he had been depicted. It was evident that the poets had taken liberty and depicted Shri Krishna in whatever manner they wanted and in course of time they fell completely under his spell.

Now of course no educated person believes that Shri Krishna was such as he is depicted in Krishnalilas., no educated person now associates Shri Krishna with those shameless and obscene antics with which ignorant masses associate him.

The source of all the legends about Shri Krishna current among the common people is the Puranas which are fully relied upon by the Hindus. Therefore if we want to get at the truth the first thing to do is to examine to what extent the Puranas can be treated as historical works and how reliable are their contents.

Although references to various events connected with Shri Krishna’s life are found in almost all the Puranas, a systematic and detailed description of this life is contained in the Brahma Vaivarta Pruana, Bhagavata Purana, Vishnu Purana and Brahma Purana. The Mahabharata and Harivansha Purana also contain a good amount of material relating to the life of Shri Krishna They have so pierced him with the arrows of their petty and vulgar imaginations that his personality has totally changed and as a result most of the Aryans considering him impure and sensual have developed an aversion to him. It is the result of Pauranic literature that so many educated Aryans have fallen into the net of Muslims and Christians. Often even educated and well-meaning people are heard saying the Shri Krishna is at the root of all the misfortunes of this sacred land, and that it was he who by his perverse teachings caused the way of Mahabharat which proved utterly tragic for the country.The wild and fanciful stories of the Puranas have so befogged the minds of the people that it seems to be impossible for them to differentiate between the truth and untruth.

Professor Wilson, who has translated the Vishnu Purana into English, believed that it contains some material relating to a period as late as the 10th century A.D. Nevertheless, the Vishnu Purana is older than the Bhagavata and some other Puranas. But as regards the Bhagvata, there is a controversy as to which of the two Bhagavatas- Shrimad Bhagavata and Devi Bhagavaata- deserves to be included among the eighteen Puranas. European scholars however believe that Shrimad Bhagavata was written in the 13th century. Be that as it may, there is no doubt that Vishnu Purana is older than the Bhagavata, and as it contains less adulation it is more reliable….

We all assume that Buddhism came into existence after Shri Krishna. Hindus believe that Shri Krishna was born during the age of Dwapara and that the battle of Mahabharata was the beginning of Kaliyuga. European scholars believe that Shri Krishna lived around 1000 B.C. , and as regards Buddha it has been found by research that he was there around 500 B.C. Hence the conclusion is that wherever traces of Buddhist teachings are found in the Vishnu Purana and Mahabharata those portions belong to the post-Buddhist period and hence cannot be considered 10 authentic. Similarly, according to the Sanskrit literature before the spread of Buddhism idol worship did not exist in India, nor was there any tradition of constructing temples for idols.

It is therefore right to say that those portions of the Vishnu Purana and Mahabharata which contain references to idol worship were added later. I am quite certain that the pre-Buddhist Sanskrit literature contains no references to incarnations nor any evidence of the worship of Trimurti – Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesh. Caste distinctions too at that time were not so rigid as they came to be afterwards. Keeping in mind their limitations we can know a great deal about Shri Krishna from the above two books. As regards the caste distinctions, I may mention that Maharashi Vyas, the author of Mahabharata, was a Shudra, which shows that one’s caste was not considered as something very important. However, it is clear that Shri Krishna was born at a time when the Vedic religion existed in its pristine purity. The caste was determined by vocation and not by birth. A human being was not worshipped as God. The doctrine of incarnation had no place. Idol worship had not come into vogue and the Trimurti- Brahma, Vishnu and Mahesh – had not taken shape to be worshipped.

There is a belief among the Hindus that the war of Mahabharata marks the beginning of Kaliyuga and the Krishna was born in the Dwapara age. It is also believed that the Kaliyuga commenced some 5000 years ago and according to the computation of astrologers the Kaliyuga started 4996 years ago.

Kalhana, the author of the history of Kashmir, Rajatarangini, states that in the 653rd year of Kaliyuga, a king named Gauda was ruling Kashmir, while Yudhishthira and Kauravas were living in a forest. Gauda ruled for about 65 years, so Yudhishthira must have been there around 2400 B.C., that is to say, about 4300 years ago.

It is learnt from the Vishnu Purana that King Parikshita, the grandson of Yudhisthra, ruled 1015 years before king Nanda. And the first ruler of the Nanda dynasty ruled 100 years before Chandragupta who had ascended the throne of Magadh in 315 B.C. at another place the Vishnu Purana fixed the period of Parikshita as 1200 Kaliyugi year, that is 1900 B.C.

It is learnt from the Mahabharata that in those days the winter solstice occurred in the months of Magha because Bhishma died when the sun moved southward. But nowadays winter solstice occurs on 24 December. According to astrologers this shifting of the winter solstice day took 11 place at least 3426 years ago, which means that the Mahabharata was took place at least 3426 years ago if not more.

Commenting on this view of astrologers, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, in his book Orion, says that the period when the winter solstice fell in the month of Magha must have been quite ancient period. Besides this, the old Sanskrit literature contains references to almost all the heroes of the Mahabharata on the basis of which European scholars believe that the war of Mahabharata took place much before the creation of all this literature. The Ashtadhyayi of Panini mentions the names Yudhishthira, kunti, Arjuna and Vasudeva. Preofessor Goldstucker holds that Panini live much before the Brahmanas and Upnishads were written. Swami Dayaynand agrees with him on this….

Some scholars are of the opinion that the whole story of the Mahabharata is imaginary and that all the events mentioned in it are unreal. Some other scholars consider the Mahabharata war as a fact but its heroes as imaginary. In my opinion both these views are wrong, the reasons for which are as follows:

1. The genealogies of both Krishna and Arjuna are fully known. Several persons belonging to their families ruled over the kingdoms mentioned in history

2. The entire corpus of Sanskrit literature refutes both of the above mentioned views.

3. The story of the Mahabharata and the names of its characters are well known to the masses for centuries and even in those areas where there has been no literacy at all. Several places also bear the same names as those of the characters of the story. This had not been possible this had not been possible if the names were imaginary.

4. Various writings relating to the Mahabharata found in the Sanskrit literature also confirm many of the events mentioned in it.

5. If the story of the Mahabharata is considered to be true, then there seems to be no reason to suppose that the names of its characters are imaginary. However, if these names are imaginary then the question arises – what were the names of the real characters of the story?

6. The fact that Krishna is considered an incarnation of God also confirms that Krishna was not the name of any imaginary person.

7. Those opposed to our viewpoints do not furnish any proof in support of their contention. Some writers argue that since the system of polyandry was not there in the Aryans society at that time, the story of Draupadi marrying the five Pandavas is a concoction and has no truth in it. But those who have read the Mahabharata know that this incident has been mentioned as an exception with some purpose.

Thus in the face of such strong evidence the opinion held by some persons that the story of the Mahabharata is imaginary cannot be accepted, nor can it be believed that Krishna and Arjuna were imaginary characters.

The entire Vedic literature is opposed to the doctrine of incarnation. The Vedas loudly say that God never assumes a physical form. The European Scholars such as Max Weber and Monier-Williams and Romesh Chandra Dutt also agree with the view that the doctrine of incarnation came into vogue after the Buddhist period, and that before that nobody in India believed in idol worship or in the doctrine of incarnation.

Even though Shri Krishna was not an incarnation of God but only a human being, he was a model human being. He was a great teacher, a great warrior and man of great learning. His life is an ideal for us. We can derive much advantage from his teachings. In my view students should make a careful study of the life of Shri Krishna as atheism of Europe is upsetting the minds of the younger generation and waning them away from the fundamental truths of Hinduism and leading them towards the Western way of life.

Hindus should firmly adhere to their ancient religion and try to make progress according to its teaching. They try to save Hindus from the neo-Vedanta and the dogma of renunciation and also warn them against European materialism.

Thus the only conclusion of Shri Krishna’s teachings is that man should discharge his duty, whether worldly or religious, honestly, sincerely and steadfastly. Only then can he gain true knowledge and attain moksha. In the battlefield Krishna told Arjuna that his supreme duty as a warrior was to wield arms and kill others, If need be even his own kith and kin. On occasions Krishna himself used weapons, fought numerous enemies and shed blood. How could such a person teach the Hindus of the twentieth century, who are by action neither Brahmins nor Kshatriyas, to abandon their families and children, discard their social duties and without leading the life of a brahmachari or a householder and without studying the Vedas start practicing yoga and retire to the forest with the object of becoming Brahma themselves? According to Krishna’s teachings, it is the duty of a Kshatriya, until he earns the right to be called a Brahmin, to fight against his enemies, and if in order to uphold religion, righteousness and truth, he has to take up arms and risk his life he should not hesitate to do so.

In discharging our duties we should not let false pity or other worldliness comes in our way at all. If an aggrieved person adopts an attitude of indifference and false pity, then one day justice will disappear altogether from the world and such an attitude will also amount to cowardice. It is rightly said that when one is unable to take recourse to any other means he adopts this kind of attitude. Often people praise Christianity on account of its teaching that if someone slaps you on your cheek turn to him the other also. But you please ask them whether anybody has ever acted upon it or how far even the Christians themselves follow it. Nature teaches us something contrary to this. These things are only said. No capable man can be so coward. Those who make an undue criticism of Krishna’s teachings and hold him responsible for the war of Mahabharat and the harm caused by it should at least think what is the meaning of his philosophy. It some thief or robber enters your house what will you do? Will you take pity on him and let him take away your valuables or will you try to safeguard them by causing him harm? Did dharma enjoin that Arjuna should have fled away from the battlefield and betrayed the confidence reposed in him by Yudhisthira and other kings who had joined him with their armies? And was it the duty of Krishna also to flee along with Arjuna? I cannot understand how the people who make such absurd criticisms of Shri Krishna can be called protectors or propagators of religion. They only talk about dharma but do not whether their dharma is beneficial to society or not. Their only concern is that their discourse should interest their audiences. I do believe that this very false sense of pity and other worldliness has ruined the Hindus, effaced their name and fame and rendered them completely misfit for this world. If even now the Hindus do not want to come out of the clutches of such beliefs in accordance with the modern Western education and the Gita, then any thought about their progress is meaningless and it can never be realized. Those believing in such things can make neither material progress nor spiritual, for in the spiritual world also that person alone can make his mark who puts his step on the spiritual ladder after achieving success in all the tests. Those people cannot enter the spiritual world who do not care about the tests and rules of the world. Spiritual success is attained only by those who, by performing their multifarious duties at the lotus feet of Parabramha or the Supreme Being.

In these pages I have penned the life story of a great soul who pursued dharma during his lifetime and following the rules of dharma destroyed the enemies of dharma and justice.

The term Krishnaism has been coined by those English-educated Hindus who, notwithstanding their English education, profess that part of the Pauranic Hinduism which is popularly known as Vaishnavism. Perhaps in the entire corpus of Sanskrit literature one would not find even a single word indicating Shri Krishna’s association with any creed or religion as in the cases of Jesus Christ, Prophet Mahammad and Buddha. The English-educated devotees of Shri Krishna have tried to rectify this omission in the Sanskrit literature by inventing a new creed after the name of Shri Krishna which they call Krishnaism. Even by a little study of the Sanskrit literature one comes to know that Krishna neither ventured to found any new religion nor preached any scuh religion as could be known in the world after his name. Jesus Christ, Prophet Mahammad and Buddha each founded a new religion which came to be named after them. Although at 15 present there are numerous sects among the Hindus which are named after some great men, there is no evidence in the ancient Sanskrit literature to prove that such sects existed in ancient times. In the literature of Krishna’s time there is not even a trace of such evidence. A special characteristic of the ancient Hindu religion is that its foundation had not been laid on the teachings of any human being.

Truly speaking, the early Hindu literature is the soul of the religious philosophy of the world. It is replete with precious religious thoughts the like of which are not found in any other literature of the world. Moreover, the exponents of these thoughts were expounded by whom. No one of our great men tried to initiate any new teachings; rather all of them described themselves as the followers of the supreme knowledge contained in the Vedas. No one tried even in the least to say that such and such an idea was his and that he had come in the world to propagate it. No one ever claimed to conceive any original idea, nor anyone ever thought of progagating any new religion. The entire series of the Brahmanas and Upanishads are a testimony to this. From the teachings of Upnishads it is not clear at all as to who were the originators of those teachings. At some places in the books of history and other subjects the names of rishis, seers and learned men are mentioned but by the manner in which they have been mentioned it is clear that several rishis bore identical names. As a result, it is impossible for us today to determine which Manu was the author of Manusmriti. The ancient Aryans considered God as the first guru and true preceptor, so they never try to found any religion in their own names. From their writings it seems that they considered it adharma and sinful to do so. Taking part in religious discussions was considered proper by them but propagating any new religion or preaching any new ideas in their own names was considered quite improper.

Whenever the ancient Hindu rishis and seers preached anything they said they were doing so as desired by their forebears or as enjoined by the Vedas and Shashtras. They never dared to expound anything new themselves. Only in recent times this trend has started. Now in someone’s name a new religion or sect is started which in fact lessens that person’s importance. This is true especially in the case of Shri Krishna who never tried to propagate any new religion. I have already observed in the preceding chapter that there is no evidence of Shri Krishna having ever tried to impart any religious teaching to the common man. Therefore it is futile to consider him as the founder of any religion. I want to state that it is not correct to attribute every shloka of the Bhagvad Gita to Shri Krishna. However, even if it is so accepted, the conclusion is only this that whatever he preached to inspire Arjuna to take part in the war is contained in the Gita. If only because of this Krishna Maharaja can be considered the founder of a certain religion, then why should Bhishma Maharaja also be not given the same credit as his teachings are in no way less profound and true than those of Krishna Maharaja? Can anyone tell me which such a teaching of the Bhagavad Gita is as is not there in the Upnishads or brahmanas or even in the Vedas written earlier than the Bhagavad Gita? Then what is it that we should propagate as Krishnaism excepting that which is contained in the Shrimad Bhagavat or Brahma Vaivarta and which casts a slur on the pious life of Krishna Maharaja? If the teachings of the Shrimad Bhagavat are called as Krishnaism it will do not credit to Krishna Maharaja. In my view to attribute the teachings of the Shrimad Bhagavat to Krishna maharaja is not at all proper because from the ancient books it no at all proved that Krishna Maharaja ever preached such things as are contained in the Shrimad Bhagavat.

In my view Krishna Maharaja did not found any religious creed which should propagated in his name. Therefore the use of the term krishnaism is incorrect and improper. If krishnaism means only that message which Krishna Maharaja gave to Arjuna and his other relative at the right time and which emphasizes selfless action, then there is no harm. There is no doubt that the message of selfless action has not been conveyed so effectively and lucidly by words of any rishis and seers as by the words of Krishna Maharaja. Although the different chapters of the Gita deal with different themes, the message of selfless action is there in the whole book. In the Mahabharata too Krishna’s utterance on various occasions emphasizes only selfless action. As he dwells on the different aspects of dharma and enumerates the different ways and techniques of pursuing it, he invariably ends his discourses with an emphasis on non-attachment. Not only Krishna Maharaja’s words but also his actions are an exposition of non-attachment. They refute the notions of false sacrifice and renunciation and uphold the philosophy of action without any desire for fruit. This was the objective for which Shri Krishna worked throughout his life. Whenever he was called upon to give guidance in regard to anything he emphasized the principle of selfless action. Every person who came in his contact on any occasion was inspired by him to act without desiring for the fruit. Whether He was in the company of friends or relatives, or was answering questions asked by his devotees or was sitting in a state assembly or was participating in yajnas and other religious ceremonies or was fighting with enemies, he always kept this principle in mind. Even he was wounded by the arrow of a hunter and was in the throes of death, it was this lesson that he gave to the hunter.

In the Mahabharata too Krishna Maharaja in his conversations emphasized the same teachings. After the end of the war when Yudhishthira expressed his desire to give up the kingdom and retire to the forest, Krishna Maharaja again, through his teachings, brought him round to the course of action and even encouraged him to perform Ashwamedha yajna. Counseling Yudhishthira, he said, “O Yudhishthira, you have defeated your external enemies and now it is the time for you to get ready for that battle which every human being has to fight alone. In this battle you yourself have to realize the unlimited power of the mind and use the weapons of action and meditation, as no weapon made of steel can be used in this kind of battle. If you do not become successful in this, then it will be ominous for you.” He further said, “Renouncing the kingdom and other worldly things will not bring forth your liberation, rather you have to renounce all such as tie a person with his body. Let our enemies enjoy that happiness that is derived by giving up materialistic things while remaining entangled with inner desires and weaknesses. A man meets with his real death when he becomes a slave to worldly pleasures and  starts differentiating between himself and others. Such a man who while ruling over a vast kingdom does not harbor any worldly desires in his mind nor craves for worldly pleasures is not at all bothered about the opinion of others about him. On the other hand, a man who renounces the world and in the guise of a sage lives in a forest subsisting on fruits but craves for materialistic things wanders about with death hovering over his head all the time. Therefore it is not proper for you to think of renunciation without first discharging your duties. Renunciation in the real sense means that a person should have complete control over his mind and should subdue his desires. Such a person, though living in the world and ruling over a kingdom, is a true sannyasi and the monarch of his heart.”

How beautiful are these words! Are they pearls which shine so brightly that even the most sharp and powerful eyes cannot look at them? No, they are not pearls. Pearls are after all made of clay. They cannot appease one’s hunger or quench one’s thirst. They cannot relieve one’s sorrow and distress. Even by possessing the most precious pearls one cannot get rid of his troubles, pains and sorrow. Was there any dearth of pearls with Mahamud Ghaznavi? Has the Czar of Russia not got plenty of them? But can anyone say that despite having so much pearls Mahmud was happy or even the Czar is happy? In fact, the entire wealth of the world, including all the gold, silver, diamonds, pearls and jewels, is much less precious than the words and thoughts of Krishna Maharaja. They have that nectar in the search of which Alexander, who possessed a large amount of pearls, met with his death. This is that elixir for procuring which even the greatest of the kings and emperors lost their lives. This is that nectar by drinking which a man is liberated from the cycle of birth and death and by acquiring which pearls become like mud for him. This is that prescription by which all the sorrows, diseases of the sick, restlessness of the restless and troubles of the troubled soul disappear in the same manner as a wild deer runs away on getting the scent of man. This is that knowledge which transforms this sea of world which is full of sorrows into a pool of peace and a place of happiness and frees the man from all his bonds and leads him to the lotus-feet of God by touching which his soul is blessed with eternal peace and happiness. Dear reader, this is that teaching which tells us that duty must be performed for its own sake. This is what mirror which reflects the true form of religion. This is a divine ordinance which, being universally applicable, gives full freedom to all human beings to think about themselves.

O descendants of Aryans, can you really understand and follow these teachings? Have the iron chains of slavery, anxiety of livelihood, false sense of prestige, barren philosophy of meaningless renunciation and sacrifice, worship of the Mammon, education received in return for a few rupees and a plethora of false beliefs rendered your minds and hearts fit enough to understand this supreme truth which is the essence of all the philosophies of the world? Krishna Maharaja should be born again with the sweet melodious notes of his flute and should make the descendants of Aryans realize to what extent they have strayed from the path of dharma. The mother India should produce at least ten such sons as, keeping before them this paradigm of dharma, may try to ascend the ladder of dharma without bothering about the riches or poverty, friend or foe and life or death.

Their conviction should be so strong, their faith so unshakeable, their will so resolute and their intellect so incisive and brilliant that they should care neither for pleasure nor for sorrow, neither for comfort nor for discomfort, and neither for success nor for failure.

Yes, there is a great deal of talk about religion. There are also debates and discourses about it in plenty and donations are liberally given to promote the cause of religion. But the sad part of the whole thing is that our life is not guided by dharma. Dharma does not visit such people as do not invite it. Dharma is so jealous that it does not want its devotees to look at anybody else than itself. It does not stop them from eating or drinking or enjoying luxurious or earning money or producing children or having wives. What is wants is that whatever is done should be done for its sake, in its name, and that it should be dedicated to it. It does not say to its devotees that they should not love anybody nor serve their country or the community. Rather it says one may love people as much as one wants but it should be done so in its name, for its sake and should be dedicated to it.

Dharma does not make anyone its partner in its kingdom, nor does it give anyone a place equal to itself. It means that it wants to be all-powerful. It does not like anyone’s company, nor does it want its devotees to feel hesitant in obeying its dictates. Hence only that person can follow dharma who is ready to follow it without caring about his physical comforts or riches. When such a person eats or drinks or gives charity or performs a yajna he does so because Sri Krishna wants him to do so. Unfortunately, now there is no dharma in this country. This is the reason why the people of this country are suffering so much. Everyone develops his own idea about dharma and a hope to achieve salvation by worshipping a god of his own imagination. Not only this. He even invite others to follow him and declares that whoever disagrees with him is a kafir. But if one goes through the writings of the religious people of ancient times, then one can realize that dhrama is derived from the Vedas. At present it is very difficult to understand the Vedas because people do not know the meaning of the words used in them, and it is not possible for a dim-witted and parochial person to study them, let alone drink their nectar.

Krishna Maharaja says to Arjuna: “O Arjuna, remember that a man’s physical body is destined to die. Then why should one be afraid of dying or killing? Stand up and fight. Do not be afraid of dying or killing. Whatever your duty you must do it.”

The truth is that a truly religious man is he who in the discharge of his duty is neither afraid of dying nor of killing, and for whom all worldly considerations are insignificant before his duty.

O my co-religionists, put your hands on your hearts and think how many people in our community are such as can be called religious in accordance with these principles, and also how many are such as are eager to become truly religious by following them.

Is not our religion today a religion of convenience? How many of us are prepared to bear troubles and hardships for the sake of religion? Do thousands or even lakhs of Hindus no sell their religion for such trifling things as money, women, jobs, etc? Can any one of us honestly say that he is ready to face all kinds of troubles for the sake of his religion? Alas, in this country today neither there is religion nor are there religious people. There are only empty talks. Our 21 religion, our patriotism, our love for the community and our altruism are like empty envelopes containing neither notes on our objectives nor letters dealing with our true desires. May be, someday some great man, by his life and actions will bring home to us the real aim of religion and holding the hand of this misguided community lead it onto the right path

 

 

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THE HINDU CASTE SYSTEM- A general parallelism with earlier Greeks , Romans and Japan

 

 

Dr. V.K.Maheshwari, M.A(Socio, Phil) B.Sc. M. Ed, Ph.D

Former Principal, K.L.D.A.V.(P.G) College, Roorkee, India


Considered historically, the present caste system is a remnant of medieval times, in ancient India, caste was by no means so rigid or exclusive. In Buddhistic and post Buddhistic periods the castes and sub-castes multiplied and gradually became more rigid. Originally there were only four castes. Then developed a large number of occupational castes corresponding to the medieval trade guilds –institutions which have given the central idea for the school of modern thinkers known as Guild Socialists, whose leaders, like Mr. Penty, want to bring back the social organization of the ‘merrie England’ days and call it ‘post-industrialism.’ “Merrie England” , refers to an English auto stereotype , a utopion conception of  English society and culture based on an idyllic  pastoral way of life that was allegedly prevalent at some time between the Middle Ages and the onset of the Industrial Revolution.(  More broadly, it connotes a putative essential Englishness with nostalgic overtones, incorporating such cultural symbols as the thatched cottage, the  , country inn the cup of tea and the  Sunday roast. Children’s storybooks and fairytales written in the Victorian period often used this as a setting as it is seen as a mythical utopia. They often contain nature-loving mythological creatures such as elves and fairies, as well as Robin Hood. It may be treated both as a product of the sentimental nostalgic imagination and as an ideological or political construct, often underwriting various sorts of conservative world-views. )

Strange as it may seem, the system of varna was the outcome of tolerance and trust. Originally varnas were assigned to people based on their aptitude and qualitiesThe system of varna insisted that the law of social life should not be cold and cruel competition, but harmony and co-operation. Society should not be a field of rivalry among individuals. Actually the varnas were designated to a person based on one’s aptitude, quality, mental state and characteristic. Although birth or parentage may have played an important role in the later times, the original system seems to be based on the quality of a person rather than on birth alone. Even when the varna was ascribed based on birth, there are a number of examples from the mythology and history of ancient India to demonstrate the flexibility and mobility among the varnas.

Though it may now have degenerated into an instrument of oppression and intolerance and tends to perpetuate inequality and develop the spirit of exclusiveness, these unfortunate effects were not the central motives of the varna system.  However, there are a number of exceptions in the entire period that shows the flexibility of the system.

There were four varnas: brahmin, ksatriya, vaisya and sudra. The basic idea was division of labor in the society. Brahmin were the people who preached spiritual teachings to the society and lived spiritual lives . Ksatriya were the people who protected the society against external attacks and maintained internal order .Businessmen, traders and farmers came under this category of Vaisya  . Sudras were the people engaged in services. Carpenters, blacksmiths, goldsmiths, cobblers, porters etc., fell under this category. This system ensured that the religious, political, financial and physical powers were all separated into four different social classes. Due to this fair separation of political and intellectual powers, ancient Indian society could not turn itself into a theocratic or autocratic society.

In the beginning, there was only one varna in the ancient Indian society. “We were all brahmins or all sudras,” says Brhadaranyaka Upanisad (1.4, 11-5, 1.31) and also Mahabharata (12.188). A smrti text says that one is born a sudra, and through purification he becomes a brahmin. According to Bhagavada Gita, varna is conferred on the basis of the intrinsic nature of an individual, which is a combination of three gunas (qualities): sattva, rajas, and tamas. In the Mahabharata SantiParva, Yudhisthira defines a brahmin as one who is truthful, forgiving, and kind. He clearly points out that a brahmin is not a brahmin just because he is born in a brahmin family, nor is a sudra a sudra because his parents are sudras. The same concept is mentioned in Manu Smrti. Another scripture Apastamba Dharmasutra states that by birth every human being is a sudra. It is by education and upbringing that one becomes ‘twice born’, that is, a dvija.
Bhagavada Gita also says, “Of brahmins, ksatriyas and vaisyas, as also the sudras, O Arjuna, and the duties are distributed according to the qualities born of their own nature.”

According to Rig Veda (IX.112.3), the poet refers to his diverse parentage: “I am a reciter of hymns, my father is a physician and my mother grinds corn with stones. We desire to obtain wealth in various actions.”

Actually the varnas were designated to a person based on one’s aptitude, quality, mental state and characteristic. Although birth or parentage may have played an important role in the later times, the original system seems to be based on the quality of a person rather than on birth alone. Even when the varna was ascribed based on birth, there are a number of examples from the mythology and history of ancient India to demonstrate the flexibility and mobility among the varnas.

Vyäsa, a brahmin sage and the most revered author of many Vedic scriptures including the Vedas, Mahabharata, was the son of Satyavati, a sudra woman. Vyäsa’s father, Päräsara, was also a son of a candala woman and yet was considered a brahmin based on his Vedic wisdom. Another popular Vedic sage, Välmiki was initially a hunter. Sage Aitareya, author of Aitareya Upanisad, was born of a sudra woman. Vasishtha, son of a prostitute, was established as a brahmin. In Chandogya Upanisad, the honesty of Satyakäma establishes his brahminhood, even though he is the son of a maidservant. Visvamitra, born in a ksatriya family becomes a sage. The priest Vidathin Bhärdväja became a ksatriya as soon as he was adopted by King Bharata .Janaka, a ksatriya by birth, attained the rank of a brahmin by virtue of his ripe wisdom and saintly character and is considered a rajarishi (king-sage). Vidura, a brahmin visionary, was born to a woman servant of the palace. The Kauravas and Pandavas were the descendants of Satyavati, a fisher-woman, and Vyäsa, a brahmin. In spite of this mixed heredity, the Kauravas and Pandavas were known as ksatriyas on the basis of their occupation. In the later Vedic times, Chandragupta Maurya, originally from the Muria tribe, goes on to become the famous Mauryan emperor of Magadha. Similarly, his descendant, King Asoka, was the son of a maidservant. The Sanskrit poet and author, Kalidasa is also not known to be a brahmin by birth. His works are considered among the most important Sanskrit works. In the medieval period, saint Thiruvalluvar, author of ‘Thirukural’ was a weaver. Other saints such as Kabir, Sura Dasa, Ram Dasa and Tukaram came from the sudra class also.

Scholars differ as to what exact part each of the various factors—race, occupation, etc. played in the evolution of Indian castes. According to  Sir Denzil Ibbetson.( Punjab Castes (reprinted from Ibbetson’s Report), Government Press, Lahore, 1916, pp. 9 et. seq. )  the various factors were tribal divisions common to all primitive societies; the guilds based upon hereditary occupation ‘common to the middle life of all communities ;’ the exaltation of the priestly office and of the Levitical blood, and  the ‘ preservation and support of this principle by the elaboration from the theories of the Hindu creed or cosmogony of a purely artificial set of rules regulating marriage and intermarriage, declaring certain occupations and foods to be impure and polluting, and prescribing the conditions and degree of social intercourse permitted between the several castes,’ “Add to these,” says Ibbetson, “the pride of social rank and the pride of blood which are natural to man, and which alone could reconcile a nation to restrictions at once irksome from a domestic, and burdensome from a material point of view; and it is hardly to be wondered at that caste should have assumed the rigidity which distinguishes it in India.”

Mr. Nesfield, however, considers that the classification into castes is based solely on occupation. “Function and function only,” says he, “was the foundation upon which the whole caste system of India was built up.”(  Nesfield, A Brief View of the Caste System in North-Westren Province and Oudh.) (Quoted in The People of India by Sir Herbert Risley, 2nd edition, Calcutta, 1915, pp. 265 et. seq.)     to him ‘each caste or group of castes represents one or other of those progressive stages of culture which have marked the industrial development of mankind not only in India, but in every other country in the world wherein some advance has been made from primeval savagery to the arts and industries of civilized life. The rank of any caste as high or low depends upon whether the industry, represented by the caste belongs to an advanced or backward stage of culture.’

Historian. M. Senart,( Les Cstes d’ans l’Inde. (Quoted by Risley, op. cit., pp. 267 et. seq.)   the French Indologist, sees in Hindu caste only a parallel of the Roman and Greek systems. Risley represents M. Senart as maintaining that caste is the ‘normal development of ancient Aryan institutions, which assumed this form in the struggle to adapt themselves to the conditions with which they came into contact in India.’ M. Senart relies greatly upon the general parallelism that may be traced between the social organization of the Hindus and that of the earlier Greeks and Romans. He points out a close correspondence between the three series of groups, gens, curia tribe at Rome; family , phratria, phuli in Greece: and family, gotra, caste in India.’ He seeks to show ‘ from the records of classical antiquity that the leading principles which underlie the caste system form part of a stock of usage and tradition coomon to all branches of the Aryan people.’ Regulation of marriage by caste was by no means peculiar to India, for, as Mr. Senart points out, the Athenian genos and the Roman gens present striking resemblances to the Inidan gotra. ‘We learn from Plutarch that the Romans never married a woman of their own kin, and among the matrons who figure in classical literature none bears the same gentile name as her husband. Nor was endogamy unkown. In Athens in the time of ( Les Cstes d’ans l’Inde. (Quoted by Risley, op. cit., pp. 267 et. seq.) Demosthenes membership of a phratria was confined to the offspring of the families belonging to the group. In Rome, the long struggle of the plebeians to obtain the Jus connubii with patrician women belongs to the same class of facts; and the patricians, according to M. Senart, were guarding the endogamous rights of their order—or should we not rather say the hypergamous rights?—for in Rome, as in Athens, the primary duty of marrying a woman of equal rank did not exclude the possibility of union with women of humbler origin, foreigners or liberated slaves. Their children, like those of a Shudra in the Indian system, were condemned to a lower status by reason of the gulf of religion that separated their parents. We read in Manu how the gods disdain the oblations offered by a Shudra: in Rome they were equally offended by the presence of a stranger at the sacrifice of the gens.’ ‘The Roman confarreatio has its parallel in the got kanala or “tribal trencher” of the Punjab, the connubial meal, by partaking of which the wife is transferred from her own exogamous group to that of her husband.’

M. Senart traces the parallel in notions about food also. ‘In Rome as in India, daily libations were offered to ancestors, and the funeral feasts of the Greeks and Romans … correspond to the Shraddha of Hindu usage, which… is an ideal prolongation of the family meal.’ M. Senart seems even to find in the communal meals of the Persians and in the Roman charistia , from which were excluded not only strangers but any members of the family whose conduct had been unworthy.

The analogue of the communal feast at which a social offender in India is received back to caste.’ Regarding outcasting and the powers of the caste panchayat M. Senart points out:” The exclusion from religious and social intercourse symbolized by the Roman interdict aqua et igni corresponds to the ancient Indian ritual for expulsion from caste, where a slave fills the offender’s vessel with water and solemnly pours it out on the ground, and to the familiar formula hukka pani band karna, in which the modern luxury of tobacco takes the place of the sacred fire of the Roman excommunication. Even the caste panchayat that wields these formidable sanctions has its parallel in the family councils which in Greece, Rome and ancient Germany assisted at the exercise of the patria potestas and in the chief of the gens, who, like the matabar of a caste, decided disputes between its members and gave decisions which were recognized by the State.”

Risley quotes Sir S. Dill ( Roman Society in the Last Century of the Western Empire, 1899. See Risley, op. cit., pp.271 et. seq. ) as pointing out ‘how an almost Oriental system of caste had made all public functions in Rome hereditary, ‘from the senator to the waterman on the Tiber or the sentinel at a frontier post’. ‘The Navicularii who maintained vessels for transport by sea, The Pistores who provided bread for the people of Italy, the Pecuarii and Suarii who kept up the supply of butcher’s meat were all organized on a system as rigid and tyrannical as that which Prevails in India… Each caste was bound down to its characteristic occupation, and its matrimonial arrangements were governed by the curious rule that a man must marry within the caste, while if a woman married outside of it, her husband acquired her status and had to take on the public duties that went with it., The rigidity of caste in Rome can be imagined from the account that follows:( Sir S. Dill, quoted by Risley.)

“The man who brought the grain of Africa to the public stores at Ostia, the baker who made it into loaves for distribution, the butchers who brought pig from Samnium, Lucania or Bruttium, the purveyors of wine and oil, the men who fed the furnaces of the public baths, were bound to their callings from one generation to another. It was the principle of rural serfdom applied to social functions. Every avenue of escape was closed. A man was bound to his calling not only by his father’s but by his mother’s condition. Men were not permitted to marry out of their guild. If the daughter of one of the baker caste married a man not belonging to it, her husband was bound to her father’s calling. Not even a dispensation obtained by some means from the imperial chancery, not even the power of the Church. Could avail to break the chain of servitude.”

Even to-day where is the country in which caste does not play a prominent part? The European critics forget the beam in their own eye  to a new order for the new conditions. If a Vedic Indian happened to visit India any day in the post-Buddhistic period he would feel bewildered at the new and complicated system of caste prevailing in society. And there can be no doubt that a politically free India will lose no time in effecting fresh adjustments. As it is, caste has ceased to do us any good at all, and its evils have in certain respects become accentuated.

It is said the Hindus are caste-redden, and therefore unfit for democracy. It is forgotten that the Hindus in the past had at least as much of democracy as the Romans and the Athenicans. The West used to talk like that also of Japan. Not very long ago, that gifted writer, Lafcadio Hearn wrote: ( Japan: An interpretation (Macmillan), p. 260. )

“ There was a division also into castes—Kabane or Sei. ( Dr. Florenz, a leading authority on ancient Japanese civilization, who gives the meaning of Sei as equivalent to that of the Sanskrit varna, signifying ‘caste’ or ‘colour.’) Every family in the three great divisions of Japanese society belonged to some caste; and each caste represented at first some occupation or calling.” Large classes of persons existed in Japan, who were literally known as ‘less than men.’ Says Mr. Hearn:

“Outside of the three classes of commoners, and hopelessly below the lowest of them, large classes of persons existed who were not reckoned as Japanese, and scarcely accounted human beings. Officially they were mentioned generically as chori, and were counted with the peculiar numerals used in counting animals: immiki, nihiki, sambiki, etc. Even to-day they are commonly referred to not as persons (hito) but as ‘things’ (mono)… to English readers (chiefly) through Mr. Mitford’s yet unrivalled Tales of Old Japan) they are known as Eta; but their appellations varied according to their callings. They were pariah people.” The Eta, we are told, “lived always in the suburbs or immediate neighbourhood of towns, but only in separate settlements of their own. They could enter the town to sell their wares or to make purchases; but they could not enter any shop, except the shop of a dealer in footgear. As professional singers they were tolerated; but they were forbidden to enter any house—so they could perform their music or sing their songs only in the street or in a garden. Any occupation other than their hereditary callings was strictly forbidden to them. Between the lowest of the commercial classes and the Eta, the barrier was impassable as any created by caste tradition in India; and never was ghetto more separated from the rest of a European city by walls and gates, than an Eta settlement from the rest of Japanese town by social prejudice. No Japanese would dream of entering an Eta settlement unless obliged to so in some official capacity.”

The Eta, and then the ‘pariahs,’ called  Hinin—a name signifying ‘not-human-beings’ ‘Under this appellation were included professional mendicants, wandering ministrels, actors, certain classes of prostitutes and persons out lawed by society. The Hinin had their own chiefs and their own laws. Any person expelled from a Japanese community might join the Hinin; but the signified good-bye to the rest of humanity.’

Were the caste-ridden Japanese fit for ‘progress’ and democracy? Says hearn:

“Those who write to-day about the extraordinary capacity of the Japanese for organization and about the ‘democratic spirit’ of the people as natural proof of their fitness for representative government in the Western sense mistake appearances for realities. The truth is that the extraordinary capacity of the Japanese for communal organization is the strongest possible evidence of their unfitness for any modern democratic form of government. Superficially the difference between Japanese social organization and local self-government in the modern American or the English colonial meaning of the terms appears slight; and we may justify admire the perfect self-discipline of a Japanese community. But the real difference between the two is fundamental, prodigious, measurable only by thousands of years.”

Hearn’s gloomy prophecies notwithstanding, all these caste and class distinctions have now practically disappeared in Japan because the  Government co-operated with the people in the matter and used all its influence towards the abolition of the distinctions and divisions. Japan has been able to overthrow this system because of her political and economic independence. If India had been free she would have done the same.

In India the reformers are working against heavy odds, for they have to contend against prejudice and ignorance without absolutely any help from the state. In fact, the alien bureaucracy has devised new methods of perpetuating the old system and making it sub serve their own ends. Recruitment for the army is confined to castes called the ‘military castes.’ It is not every man who can pass the fitness tests that will be accepted by the recruiting officer. He must come from one of the ‘military castes.’ Who are expected to be more ignorant and ‘loyal’ than the other castes. Then the right to buy land is also regulated by caste. In the Punjab they have a list of castes for the Land Alienation Act, which are supposed to be ‘agricultural castes.’ People who have not been actual cultivators for several generations, whose chief vocation now is commerce or industry or state service are privileged under this Act because of their caste label. Such absurdities derive their sanction not from the Indian caste system but from the imperialist policy of playing off’ military and agricultural’ against’ non-military and non-agricultural castes’ and of trying to create a caste of ‘loyalists.’

Those who think that the British Government and the Christian missionary will rid India of the  evils of caste, build castles in the air. The bureaucracy only want to give caste a new orientation to make it subseve who thinks that ‘Christianity’ has ‘emancipated’ the lower caste people, whereas Christianity in India is even more superficial than these observers. The foreign missionary, who depends on patronage from his own country, is anxious to show results in figures, and solid qualitative work is neglected.

Caste in India is by no means confined to the Hindu. So far as the industrial order of hereditary vocational guilds is concerned Islam did not affect it much. Caste plays an important part even in the life of the Mussalman though he has avoided its grossed forms like untouchability. Christianity has done not even that much, caste and untouchability have been affected but little among the converts.

Hope lies only in a politically free India in which the progressive elements will be as free to effect new adjustments as they were and are in Japan. Till that day comes we have to continue doing our best to overcome the impediments, but we know all the time that the results cannot be proportionate to our efforts

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THE EFFECTS OF THE BRITISH EDUCATIONAL SYSTEM IN INDIA

Dr. V.K.Maheshwari, M.A(Socio, Phil) B.Sc. M. Ed, Ph.D

Former Principal, K.L.D.A.V.(P.G) College, Roorkee, India

In 1908, when Lala Har Dayal wrote these articles for the “Punjabee” I laboured under the belief that some kind of education was better than no education, but my opinions have since undergone a great change and now I feel that while upto a certain point this education did us a certain amount of good, for some years backwards however it has been productive of positive harm. It has helped in the multiplication of intellectual and economic parasites and retarded our progress towards freedom.

At the present moment, I strongly believe that this system of education is more harmful than useful ; that it is emasculating and enervating ; that it is denationalizing and degrading ; and that the so-called educated man is more effective a hindrance to our progress in political freedom than his uneducated brother.

LALA LAJPAT RAI

The British rulers of India established schools and colleges in order to consolidate their and weaken our Hindu institutions and polity. In doing so they only followed the example of great conquerors all the world over.

The strength of a nation consists in the vitality of its permanent and distinctive institutions and on its moral calibre.  If it can be proved that an educational system weakens our national institutions and lowers our character, as a race, that system stands self-condemned. We need not waste breath in discussing its merits and demerits.

I. National Institutions. National institutions are the sign and symbol of national individuality. All men have the organs of sense; the intellect, affections, feelings, passions, love and hate, jealousy and sympathy, avarice and philanthropy are common to all civilized people. All men eat take part in the religious worship of some sort or other, and pay homage to some historical past. The essence of national life consists in the particular religion which we follow, the particular history which we cherish, the particular language that we love and speak, the particular social life which we appreciate. Language, social life, religion, literature, history — these form the living forces in a community which mould national character and aspirations. It is for their protection and preservation that we create the State, the army, the navy and the police. It is for the defence of these beloved institutions, the heirlooms which we have inherited from our ancestors, that we desire to attain Swaraj. It is for these sacred treasures that every nation sacrifices ease and wealth and life from generation to generation. They form the nerves and fibres of the organism called the State. They constitute the foundations of the National Polity. The nation decays when we cease to love them with a passionate all-absorbing love.

National institutions are thus the essential marks of national life. There can be no Nation without national institutions. It is mere moonshine to talk of ‘nationality’ when there are no living institutions corresponding to the idea of nationality. Rationality is kept alive and strengthened by real institutions which are a part and parcel of our daily life which we have been taught to love and revere from childhood. It is not fed on speeches, aspirations, arguments, imagination, cosmopolitanism and such like in substantial stuff.

Now let us see how the British educational system de-Hinduizes us and causes the decay of our national institutions, thereby hindering the growth of the feeling of Hindu Unity and national life.

(i) Language. Language is a most important national institution. It is often the distinguishing feature of nationality. A Dutch proverb says, No language, no nationality. Language is the bond of society. It marks off our countrymen from the stranger. Bhasha is also the mother, as the Ganga is the Mother, for without Bhasha we cannot live even for a day.

Language not only unites the men of the present generation and enables them to deliberate together on national affairs, but it also enables us to hold communion with the dead. It is the key to national history. The words and deeds of our forefathers are enshrined in our language, in Sanskrit, Hindi and Panjabi like pearl in a shell. National language thus preserves historical continuity, which is the life of the nation. A common historical background is one of the indispensable conditions of national growth.

Language is also the guardian of the national literature, which voices the national spirit. A nation’s literature is one of its most precious possessions. Carlyle has written that if he were asked to give up the Indian Empire or Shakespeare, he would gladly forego the former, but not the great national poet of England. The Empire, he says, must go some day, but Shakespeare represents the eternal, imperishable wealth of England.It is language then that preserves and interprets National History and Literature.

The effect of the British educational system on the National Language is disastrous.

The Hindu nation has two languages which it should teach to every member of the race. One is an imperial language: the other is the provincial tongue.

Corresponding to the double consciousness of tribal and of national unity, we have two languages for every cultivated Hindu who wishes to discharge his duty towards his country. There is the Sanskrit, the language of Empire and Religion, the imperial and sacred language of the Hindus ; and then comes the Vernacular, the tribal tongue of different provinces, Hindi, Bengali Marathi, etc. When a Hindu addresses the whole nation he uses Sanskrit : when he confines himself to his own particular province, he employs his vernacular. Sanskrit embodies the common imperial past of the nation.

How does the British educational system affect our languages, Sanskrit and Hindi or Marathi or Gujrati ?

One fact will enable us to realize the situation better than a whole page of exposition.

“I, an educated Hindu, am writing an article in English in this paper and communicate my thought not to Englishmen or Americans but to my own friends and countrymen, living in the same province and the same country and speaking the same language as myself.”

If I had followed nature, if our whole life had not been rendered ridiculous, artificial and miserable by this educational system, I should have written in Sanskrit to appeal to my countrymen in ‘Bengal, Bombay or Madras (an aspiration which has not altogether been abandoned) and in Hindi to address the people of my province.

I take this occasion to apologize to the Ancestors and to my countrymen of the present generation for thus dishonouring and weakening a national institution.

My only excuse is that the pernicious habit of reading newspapers and magazines published in English which prevails among our upper classes compels me to address them through the medium of the language of a foreign country situated 7,000 miles away from Lahore. The upper classes are the brain of the nation. If we wish to rescue a man from a bog we have to enter it ourselves and give him a helping hand. It is for this reason that I stoop to compromise my national dignity by indulging in this artificial and ludicrous practice.

(ii) History. National History is the sine qua non of national unity and growth. A nation that has no past must lack cohesion and patriotism. Common hero- worship is the bond of society. The British rulers of India teach our boys what is really a caricature of Hindu history. The text-books written by the Lethbridges and Hunters of the Anglo-Indian community give us no idea of our ancient greatness. They impress on the minds of our boys the notion that we have been an incapable race since the dawn of history and that our only function has been to lose battles one after another in the course of centuries. There is no mention of all that should be the pride of every Hindu.

Woe to the nation that allows its children to read history as it is written by its foreign conquerors ! No people with a particle of self-respect would tolerate it even for a moment. We may be unable to emulate our ancestors : but let us at least refrain from reviling them.

A man who sends his son to an Anglo-Indian school commits the sin of pitri-ninda, the vilification of national heroes, the dishonouring of national history.

(iii) Literature: Language and literature go together. Sanskrit literature must lose ground before English if the present system endures. Our boys have to study Scott and Milton, while they are utterly ignorant of Sanskrit literature, which is equally inspiring and artistic. English is already taking the place of Sanskrit as the medium of communication among Hindus belonging to different provinces. English is a compulsory subject for all classes at school and college. The Hindu nation must choose between Sanskrit and English. Under the present system Sanskrit literature and learning will gradually perish and with its decay will fall the whole edifice of Hindu civilization. For our society draws its morality and religion, its social spirit and its laws, from the Shastras. The decline of Sanskrit learning will reduce us to the condition of a disorganized mob without national institutions.

Ayurveda is being undermined by Government Medical Colleges. A Hindu youngman can become a

“graduate” in Philosophy without reading anything of Hindu metaphysics – the highest product of Hindu genius ! Religion is proscribed in Government schools. The study of the Upanishads and the Smrities is no part of the University curriculum.

The British education system will destroy Sanskrit literature and learning which is the pride and glory of our race and the well-spring of our moral and social ideals.

This unnatural system will also kill out our vernaculars. Already we see the sorrowful spectacle of parents writing letters to their children in English, of people reading newspapers in English, of students giving English name to their clubs and associations, of national assembly’s possessing English names ! There are thousands of Hindus in Oudh who have received “education” at Anglo-Indian schools, and can not therefore read the Ramayan with facility. The language of the people is systematically ignored in the University curriculum. The Anglo-Indians compel them to answer examination papers in history and geography in English  With literature will go our culture and art. Indeed, the decay of Hindu intellectual life is patent to all who have eyes to see. Sir George Birdwood makes the following candid confession : “ We are destroying their faith and their literature and their arts, and the continuity of the spontaneous development of their civilization and their great historical personality ; in a word, we are destroying the very soul of the nation.”

(iv) Social Life. Social life is a national institution. It grows and changes like all other institutions. But it is all times a determining factor in national life. It is the product of the instinct which leads all nations to adapt themselves to their surroundings. It creates the environments in the midst of which it is possible for national intellect and morals to grow and develop. A natural healthy social life, suited to the time and place, is a national asset of the greatest value.

Social life is also a mark and symbol of national unity. It should not be tampered with in an irreverent spirit.

The British educational system throws our social life out of gear. It upsets all rules and conventions and weakens our sense of social duty. It leads to indescribable confusion in dress, modes of speech and rules of etiquette. The climax is reached in such instances as that of the man who said, on entering a temple, “Good evening, Vishnu !”. Many young Hindu take to shaving their moustache even when they are not in mourning for the loss of their parents. Others might insist on being buried after death. A few have married European wives without converting them to Hinduism. The national social life is thus thrown off its hinges. The Muhammadans gave at the first shock from which it has not been able to recover. The present educational system tends to disorganize and destroy it altogether.

(v) Character. What idea does not the British educational system represent ? And what ideal does it inculcate ? If it does not stand for any great idea and does not touch a great ideal, it must have a ruinous effect on Hindu character. Ideas and ideals quicken the moral life of a people. The only idea which it may be said to represent is the acquisition of a knowledge of the language: the only ideal that it seems to place before us is that of becoming a graduate,

Idealism.— the soul of an individual’s moral life, has no place in this system, for it deliberately excludes religion from its curriculum. And it does not teach national history either. Religion and patriotism are the two great forces which have made men great in different countries and ages. An educational system which does not value either of them must produce men without an ideal and without backbone!

Hence the students of our colleges have no faith in anything religion or politics or art or science. They believe only in things of the world. Those among them who have risen above materialism or moral inertia have come under the influence of powerful forces originating outside the Anglo-Indian educational system. The majority of our graduates have lost the fine old faith of their fathers in Hindu social institutions and have not found any other moral basis of life.

Patriotism: British ‘educational’ policy alienates the cultured classes from the common people, diminishes their reverence and love for great heroes like Rama, Krishna and Guru Govind, and curbs their political aspirations. Mr. Gokhale tells us that Mr. Ranade wrote an essay depreciating the British system of Government in comparison with Mahratta rule, “ Sir Alexander Grant, who was then Principal of Elphinstone College, and who had great admiration for Mr. Ranade’s talents, sent for him and after pointing out to him the error of his views, said to him: ‘Youngman, you should not thus run down a Government which is educating you and doing so much for your people.’ And to mark his serious displeasure he suspended Mr. Ranade’s scholarship for six months.” The Government has turned its colleges into comfortable prisons for our youngmen, who are prevented from reading nationalist newspapers and attending meetings at which sound political ideas are promulgated. Woe to those who lose their birthright of learning about the condition of their country and honouring the great men of the nation for a mess of pottage in the shape of a license for practice at the Bar or a Government diploma of graduation ! They sacrifice the end for the means : they lose the substance and run after the shadow. They demoralise themselves and teach others to do violence to their conscience. Thus the British educational system promotes servility, cowardice and social decay. Sir W. Lee Warner, in his little book “The Citizen of India”, teaches our boys the following precious truth :

“ There is no ‘drain’ of wealth from India to England. The former rulers of India never cared for their people. India is growing in prosperity under British rule.”

Courage is not a quality which can grow in the unhealthy moral atmosphere of our colleges. Students who have to show respect to officials for whom they have really no love in their hearts, cannot possess any moral courage. A life of Fraud and Falsehood can never build up character. The strain which the artificial method of teaching through the medium of English puts on our energies undermines our physical stamina and exhausts out vitality even before we enter on the struggle of life.

As to the minor virtues which have adorned Hindu character from time immemorial, simplicity, temperance, courtesy, family affection, and respect for elders, the British ‘educational’ system is notoriously fatal to their development.

Patriotism and spirituality — the two great character — making forces —are absent from this “educational” system. The smaller virtues which are also inherited by Hindus, decay through the influence of ill-digested European ideas and the example of third-rate European professors.

The Hindu character is ruined. The springs of the national moral life are poisoned. If a man gain the world, but lose his own soul, what shall it profit him ? So said a teacher of old. And if a nation should acquire the learning of the whole world but lose its life, its institutions and its character, how will it survive ? We cannot give our life in exchange for a smattering of English literature and Science. We cannot consent to part with our nationhood for such paltry advantages.

The British Educational System is the present of two great evils — Denationalization and demoralization. It weakens Hindu social and religious institutions and it undermines patriotism and moral courage. No device could be more effectual for accelerating our decline as a nation.

There are several other consequences of the establishment of Government schools and colleges which deserve notice :—

(a) The Social Degradation of the Hindu race : The Briton, having acquired the power and glory which belonged to the Kshatriya, tries to step into the place held by the Brahman in order that he may complete the social conquest of India by England. Political and Military predominance must be supported by social supremacy, otherwise it can not endure. A nation, which has only lost its national State, is not crushed, it is under a merely temporary eclipse, But if it should gradually lose the sense of self-respect and national individuality by mixing with foreigners on terms of inequality, it can not rise again. Political subjection is not so grave an evil as social serfdom to Europeans.

Schools and colleges convert our Brahmans, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas into docile and respectful pupils of Christians and Anglo-Indian officials. The conquerors get an opportunity of posing as teachers and benefactors of the “subject” race. Our boys learn to occupy a position of social inferiority to Europeans in everyday life, for the teacher must always sit above the pupil. They begin to look up to members of the conquering race as their moral and spiritual guides. Thus does Brahmanhood too pass from the Hindu Brahman to the Englishman. Another victory in the conflict of civilization is won by the Briton. The Brahman who should teach our children, is displaced by the pushing foreigner. The social conquest proceeds apace, killing out national pride and self-respect and the feeling of national identity along our  upper and middle classes.

(b) The prestige of the bureaucracy : The Government of India should control and guide all activities in Hindu society, if it wishes to enhance its prestige and take the place of an earthly Providence in the mind of the people. The educational system adds to the prestige of the officials who manage it. They stand forth before the public as instructors and receive spontaneous homage from unthinking men who do not understand their policy. A Government school in a village impresses on the imagination of the people great truth that the Sirkar is an all-powerful, all-absorbing, omnipresent and omniscient agency controlled by men of wonderful power and wisdom. The Sirkar is a very Ishwara on earth : it is here, there and every where : it does so many things and does them well. Verily, saith the rustic philosopher, the Sirkar is the only reality in the world : all else is maya. It has no hands, but it works; it has no eyes but it sees. The Sirkar is the source of all Life.

(c) The Loss of Self-Government. A subject people should at least try to keep the direction of their social affairs in their own hands as far as possible. All interference on the part of foreigners, even if it is well-meant, should be nipped in the bud. The political and military activities of the nation must pass under the control of foreigners as a necessary consequence of subjugation. But we need not give them all when they ask only an inch. Those who send their sons to Anglo-Indian schools are following the stupid policy of surrendering to Government more than it demands of us as a conquering power : Education, Religion and Social customs should form the sacred circle within which all unhallowed foreign control is inadmissible. The British Government does not compel us to resort to its schools. Why should we give up the duty of managing our own affairs in these spheres of national life and activity which are still under our own control. The British Educational system will destroy Kashi, Nuddea, and other centres of Hindu learning. It robs us of our capacity for self-government in educational matters. The old-world Pundit who opens an “indigenous” school on his own account practises self-government on a small scale. But enlightened public men who patronize Government Colleges, help the extension of bureaucratic influence in our social life. Cursed be those who destroy the small remnants of self-government which a jealous and grasping bureaucracy still allows to a subject people. We have lost much : we have fallen. Why should we lose more and fall lower ? Why should we give up the privilege of self-government in Educational affairs?

It should be clearly understood that all extension of Government control and supervision involves a corresponding decay in the vitality of the people. Everything that is done by the bureaucracy must take something out of the hands of the people. Government control and initiative must be fatal to the growth of the capacity for self-government among the nation. This is self-evident. Light must recede as the shadows advance. Even a beneficial institution established by Government impairs our power of establishing and managing it through our own energy and enterprise. The loss of self-government, even if accompanied with a temporary advantage, is to   be dreaded like a calamity, for it saps the moral qualities which are necessary for complete self-government and which it should be our duty to foster. When it brings in its train other evils, it is of course an unmitigated curse. A public library established by Government only hinders the growth of popular civic life while it confers a temporary benefit on us. Even a pathshala or a temple which is established by Government for the promotion of Sanskrit learning is injurious to our national interests for it undermines the habits of self-help and self-reliance, which alone can save the Hindu race and its religion. But Government schools and colleges rob us of all that we hold dear self-respect, character, patriotism, national literature and history, and finally self-Government in educational affairs.

(d) The Extension of British Influence in Indian States. The Universities have been efficient instruments for driving the thin end of the wedge of British influence into the affairs of Indian States. It is no where provided in any treaty that a ruling Indian Prince should connect the schools and colleges of his State with the British Universities. Yet we are so foolish that we cut at the root of our own national life by sending up our boys in the States for University Examinations. The Government is not to blame in this respect. It does not compel any Raja or Nawab to place his educational department in partial subordination to the British Educational Service. As I observe the humilitating spectacle of an Indian State requesting British Universities to exercise control and authority in their Colleges, I am reminded of Raja Sir T. Madhav Rao’s pregnant words:—

“ The longer I live, observe and think, the more deeply do I feel that there is no community on the face of the earth which suffers more from self-invited, self-accepted or self-aggravated, and therefore avoidable evils than the Hindu community.”

(e) The Industrial Backwardness of the Nation: The British educational system serves to convert the sons of our bankers, traders and landowners into dependents of the bureaucracy while the field of industrial and commercial enterprise is left open for the European settlers in India. The University curriculum prepares our youngmen for no useful profession. It encourages literary culture but proscribes commercial training and technical studies. Mr. Chesney has recognized this defect of the British educational system in his book on “The Indian Polity” , The inevitable effect of that system is the creation of an ever-increasing class of useless persons, who know no art or trade and who are compelled to serve the administration as officials or lawyers in order to earn a living. The foundations of our economic life are thus undermined. It is sad, indescribably sad, to see sons of shop-keepers and bankers trying to “rise” in the social scale by taking to the profession of a lawyer. They suffer from a strange perversion of judgment. They imagine that a lawyer or an official is entitled to greater social esteem than an honest shopkeeper or landowner. The educational system tends to incapacitate our youths for a commercial or industrial career. It smooths the path of the European exploiter before him. It will turn the children of our Vaishyas into hangers-on the bureaucracy, lawyers arid officials while European capitalists are getting our trade and industry more and more into their hands. The process of dethroning the Vaishya from his pedestal of financial power and installing the European planter or merchant or banker in his place is in progress. And the Universities help materially in the process. They facilitate and accelerate the economic enslavement of our race.

THE SO-CALLED AWAKENING

There is another error which has found acceptance in all circles and which is, if possible, even more grotesque and disastrous. The idea is abroad that the British educational system is the parent of Progress. It is supposed to have conferred on us poor benighted Asiatics the great notions of liberty, political enfranchisement, social advancement, and what not. It is said to have vevified our decaying civilization and rescued us from the slough of despondency into which we had fallen. It is the mother of “New India”. Shall we kill the hen that lays the golden eggs ?

The advocates of the British educational system assume too much. They have to prove that a system which teaches no religious ideals and discourages patriotism can confer any benefits on a people. They must show that the English-educated classes have brought about any political awakening I think that our political aspirations have been curbed and crushed by this system. The ideal of co-operation with the bureaucracy —which means playing second fiddle only as the summum bonum of In dian humanity, could be evolved only out of the dwarfed imagination of half-educated men who could not think clearly and boldly. The tree is judged by its fruits. The vast majority of those who have been educated at schools and colleges are continually engaged in undermining the foundations of their nationality. They serve as assistants to the bureaucracy, as teachers in Government schools, as lawyers and barristers in British courts of law, and thus enhance the power and prestige of the bureaucratic rulers of the country. They are helping in the destruction of the national genius for original and independent pursuits. That is what the “English educated” class is doing— it is dragging the nation to a lower level in the scale of humanity by accepting the ideals, the discipleship, and the patronage of the bureaucracy. It has been truly said that if there were not a poor and ignorant peasantry on one side and a degenerate and unpatriotic “educated” class on the other, things in India would be different from what they are at present.

A few men here and there have escaped the soul-corroding, denationalizing influence of this educational system chiefly through the agency of various religious movements which, of course, can not owe their origin to British schools and colleges. These few men have not learnt the lessons of sacrifice and spirituality, moral courage and patriotism, at the feet of Anglo-Indian officials who teach in the Colleges. For of thorns men do not gather figs. The innate vitality of Indian civilisation is not yet exhausted, otherwise there would be no hope for us. That civilisation has given us the few great men we have produced in the 19th century Ranjit Singh, Dayanand, Ram Krishna, Salar Jang, Vivekanand and a few others. How can the soulless instruction given in the Anglo-Indian schools produce great men ? The effects of Anglo-Indian education were seen in the first generation of Bengalis who were turned out from Government Colleges a set of fashionable, denationalized, unpatriotic, selfish creatures, the very scum of Indian humanity thrown up to the surface by official patronage. Scores were converted to Christianity. Since then the old Hindu civilization has asserted itself against the baneful effects of this system, and the evil has been to some extent counteracted. But we must devise a thorough cure for this malady. It has been asserted that the ideas of “liberty”and “nationality” have been conferred on us by this Anglo-Indian system. These ideas are said to be peculiarly Western products, and the study of Mill and Thomas Paine is supposed to have fired our hearts with a passion for freedom. Mr. S. Nair, who is now a Government servant, cried : “ You cannot urge a man into slavery in the English language.” Mr. Gokhale is of opinion that the “new spirit” has been produced by the education imparted at Government schools and colleges.

It would be strange, passing strange, if such ideas as those of liberty and nationality could grow in the servile and denationalizing atmosphere of Government colleges. And how has Afghanistan got such a firm hold on these great ideas ? How have the Gurkhas acquired their intense love of liberty? Our “educated” men have learned a few quotations from Burke and Mill ; they have read sonnets in praise of Liberty. But of the real thing, patriotism, many of them know as little as the man in the moon. Why, a man who possessed European ideas of patriotism and national self-respect would never send his sons to schools that lead to denationalization. And some of us serve the bureaucracy and then prate of “national” unity ! Parrots repeat Vedic Mantras and the holy name of liberty is desecrated in the mouths of men who talk glibly of patriotism while helping the bureaucratic regime as lawyers and officials ! As for our “Congressmen”, they seem to have lost the primary instincts of self-respecting nations. They think they have learned the lesson of “patriotism” at British schools and colleges. Queer “patriotism” indeed which makes its votaries regard it glory to occupy a position of permanent inferiority playing the second fiddle again-to Englishmen in the “constitution of the Government !”

The Fallacy of The “Awakening”. —The Indian National Congress is often supposed to be the outcome of the British educational system. And it is taken for granted that the Congress is a monument of wisdom and patriotism. It follows therefore that the political progress of India depends on the British educational system.

Is the Congress a sign of political progress or of decay ? Does it represent an advance in political ideas and methods, or does it imply a retrogression in the political life of the nation ? This point must be settled before we can pronounce on the merits and demerits of the British educational system, as it is believed in some circles that the Anglo-Indian colleges have led to a great political awakening, which is symbolized by the Congress. This erroneous idea has not been got rid of even by some Nationalists.

If the Congress were the quintessence of the Indian Nation’s wisdom and patriotism, I should be very doubtful as to the future of that nation. The Congress marks a retrograde step in the political life of India, and the British educational system is responsible for the decline in India’s political morality and sagacity which made the Congress possible. For such an assembly could not exist in a country where natural feelings of self-respect and pride had not been undermined by some cause or other.

Let us analyse the idea for which the Congress stands or stood. The ideal of association with the bureaucracy which has been proclaimed by the Congress in the resolutions, and the agitation in favour of simultaneous examinations and the admission of Indians to high offices in the service of the British Government, clearly represent a sad decay of national self-respect and of the ethical standard of the nation.

Let us not be misled by appearances. We some times deceive ourselves that we are more civilized than our grand-fathers because we hold so many meetings, deliver speeches in the right Royal London style, and possess newspapers and journals. But noise is not life. We know the proverb which says that empty vessels make much noise. Maharashtra boasts of many newspapers, dailies and weeklies, while Nepal and Afghanistan do not enjoy the luxury of newspaper reading. But which has more true and vigorous national life Maharashtra or, Afghanistan ? Some of us have learned all the beauties of the theory of nationality, but are the Gurkhas politically in a worse condition than the Bengalis simply because they cannot discourse on the blessings of liberty ?

As to the methods of political work, the majority of the English-educated classes shrink from self-help and national self-assertion. They believe in oratory arid pursuation. They have preached for twenty years and more that the only method of political advancement is the use of the tongue and the pen to the exclusion of other instruments. They have degenerated into mere poltroons and windbags, and want to impose their wrong ideas on the sturdy peasants who know that politics is not a war of words between bureaucrats and their courtly disciples. They know the essential principles of politics and are not deluded into erroneous opinions like the English-educated wiseacres who deliver eloquent speeches before the English tailors and cobblers and grocers. The idea of “agitation” for political purposes was altogether unknown to our ancestors who lived before the era of schools and colleges, for they never suspected that a disarmed nation could work out its salvation by the use of its tongue and lungs. They did not imagine that vast gatherings of cowardly serfs, even if held everyday would induce Government to relinquish any of its powers and privileges. They never made any mistakes on fundamental questions like the nature of British rule, the character and aims of the British people, the need of maintaining social and political isolation from the rulers, the futility of mere words in political matters and the future destiny of India. On all these points, their ideas were sound and natural. But strange and absurd opinions have been manufactured in Government colleges under the guidance of clever Anglo-Indians and are now held up to our admiration as tokens of a great “political awakening,” as symbols of a “new spirit” of which Messrs Surendranath Bannerjee, Ranade, Mehta, W. C. Bonnerji and others are the apostles. These men were the “enlightened ones,” the leaders who dispelled the “darkness” in which brave old-fashioned peasants and Rajas wandered blindly about, and who inaugurated the era of “light and progress”. Let us examine what the “awakening” was like. What were the antecedents of the “leaders” who had emerged from the colleges with the new gospel of political puerility and emasculation, which was to be preached from the platform of that small body with a big name “The Indian National Congress”.

Mr. Surrendra Nath Banerji, the orator of the “awakening,” established a college for which he could not find the name of any Indian hero, and so had to fix on Ripon. He praises Alexander Duff, the Christian missionary, in terms of warm appreciation. Then again he pleaded for simultaneous examinations, which should enable more Indians to ruin their county by joining an aristocratic service which holds itself aloof from the masses. Mr. Ranade was thrice invited to accept the honour and dignity of the Dewan of large Hindu States, but his denationalized proclivities led him to cling to his post under the British Government, This was the “new spirit”, which taught Hindu scholars to prefer subordinate places under the British to honour and power under a Hindu Raja in a free State. Mr. Mehta is so great a friend of India that he called the British educational system “a great boon,” while at the same time he was convinced that this system would clear the way for Christianity. (Mehta’s Speeches Ed,— by Chintamani). He was the man who uttered that blasphemous sentence which makes every Hindu burn with shame :—

“ Lord Ripon, Lord Buddha styled on earth “.

This champion of the “awakening” compared a Christian Viceroy to, a Hindu avatar, one of the greatest men, if not the greatest man indeed, that the world has yet produced. He also declared that “ his faith was large even in Anglo-Indians”. And, last but not least, we have Mr. Gokhale one of those patriots who could not choose a better name for the college which was supported by their noble self-sacrifice than that of an English Governor of Bombay. So much for the apostles of this  “new” dispensation which has been the product of British schools and colleges and which postulates permanent subordination and inferiority to Englishmen as its ideal.

We need not study history to find out that the “education “ imparted in Government schools and colleges has blinded us to the Primary truths of political science which were clear as day light to those noblemen and peasants who had not come under Anglo-Indian influence. We may look around us to-day and discover that the “uneducated” unsophisticated people still possess sound ideas on important questions like the essential nature of British Rule and the methods of political work. The artisans of the towns and the peasants in the villages look upon the British as a strange people who will not mix with them and with whom they should not mix. In their hearts they are convinced of the superiority of their fine old civilisation. They have shown their political capacity and insight on many occasions, . The repeal of plague regulations, the prohibition of the sale of beef in a manner which offended the religious susceptibilities of the Hindus, belief for the indebtedness of the Deccan riots — these and other necessary reforms have not been obtained through the efforts of the orators and politicians of the Congress school but have been due to the spontaneous united action of the masses of the people. Had the common people sat at the feet of the Congress “leaders”, they would never have succeeded in remedying the evils from which they suffered.

Thus recent history also proves that the illiterate peasants and townsmen have more commonsense and insight than the English-educated graduates who have preached the gospel of the so-called “awakening”. The people know how to help themselves, whatever the misguided platform speakers may say.

The much-talked-of political “awakening” which has been traced to the education given in Government Schools is a myth and a delusion, This blessed educational system has given birth to the class of political buffoons mimics who expose us to the ridicule of the world by preaching the association with the bureaucracy in the administration is the panacea of all our social and political ills, and that a fallen nation does not need self-help, self-respect, and the power to stand on its own legs for its political regeneration.

REFERENCE:

OUR EDUCATIONAL PROBLEM – BY HAR DAYAL, M. A.,

WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY LALA LAJPAT RAI

First Published in 1922

 

 

 

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The Great Indian Mutiny or War of Independence of 1857

 

Dr. V.K.Maheshwari, M.A(Socio, Phil) B.Sc. M. Ed, Ph.D

Former Principal, K.L.D.A.V.(P.G) College, Roorkee, India

The great Indian mutiny of 1857, was the first Indian political movement of the nineteenth century. The movement was national as well as political. The underlying causes and the contributory forces were many. The union of the Hindus and Mohammedans, the thoroughness of the organisation which preceded the mutiny, the stubbornness with which the mutineers fought, and the comparatively few treacheries that characterised the mutinous campaign, all point to the same conclusion.

The mutiny, however, failed because the people on the whole had no faith in the constructive capacity of the mutineers. The mutineers had no doubt agreed to postpone the question of the constructive ends in view, until after they had turned out the British, but the people could not. The people’s patience had been exhausted by the military activities of the preceding century and the accompanying disorder and anarchy, and they saw before them the possibility of a recurrence of the same in the case of success attending the arms of the mutineers. They hated the British; the Indian nobility and aristocracy, as well as the Indian people, hated them. They sympathised with the mutineers; but they helped them only half-heartedly. They had no faith in them.

Some Traitors of the Mutiny

Sir John William Kay, a British military historian, admitted “that although the English were supposed to be fighting against the natives, they were in reality sustained and supported by the natives.”

Major Hodson of ‘Hodson Horse’ had established a highly efficient intelligence network and recruited the Services of Rajab Ali, Mirza Ilahi Baksh, father-in-law of heir apparent, Mirza Fakhru, and Munshi Jeewan Lal. Ominous and treacherous Shadow of this trio looms large and pales the heroic deeds and valour of the rebels. Rajab Ali and Mirza Ilahi Baksh organised the destruction of the Yamuna bridge which provided great strategic advantage to the British. Their agents had blown up the gun powder manufacturing factory of the rebels for a reward of Rs 1,000 which was never paid.

Rai Bahadur Jeewan Lal is an interesting character. He was the descedant of Raja Raghunath Bahadur (from Narnaul), Diwan Ala or Prime Minister of Aurangzeb. Jeewan Lal’s father entered the service of the British who destroyed the Mughal dynasty. Jeewan Lal followed his father and after ‘eating the salt’ of the British remained loyal to them. His opinion and advice were sought by the British which were invariably found to be sound and reliable, honest and useful. Caste activism of the father and son (Kayastha) was able to replace Brahmins from the administration for the first time. Jeewan Lal enjoys some sort distinction to introduce Income Tax in India.

Jeewan Lal employed two Brahmins and two Jats. He conspired with officials of Bharatpur State who facilitate the opening of the city gate at sight of British Army.

Through his agents he forwarded the letters of Williams and Murphy from Meerut to the Raja of Ballabgarh. Maulvi Ahmad Ali, Mukhtar of the Raja, met Munshi Jeewan lal on June 3, 1857 to acknowledge the receipt of the letters and assure him the loyalty of the Raja whom the British had favoured with Jagir and honour. The Maulvi informed the Munshi that the Raja was devising means for sending his motif with troops to the Sahibs at the Duamdameh. Had the rebels not stormed Ballabgarh, Raja Nahar Singh would not have died a martyr’s death!

Mirza Ilahi Baksh remained inside the city during the seize and he was able to furnish important intelligence of the movements of the rebels. Later on he brought about the peaceful surrender of the King, and helped Hodson in effecting the capture of the princes Khizar Sultan and Abul Bakar, thus dealing the rebellion a death – blow by depriving the disaffected of their hereditary leaders.

Deeply impressed by the exhibition of unsolicited loyalty and spectacular support of the Maharaja of Gwalior during the most critical period in 1857-58, Governor-General Lord Charles John Viscount Canning had passed an extraordinary fiat, Royal Salute for Maharaja Scindia of Gwalior for his Loyalty and Unsolicited Support against the Mutineers, The Right Hon’ble Governor General, in order to mark his appreciation of the Maharajah Scindia’s friendship, and his gratification at the re-establishment of His Highness’ authority in his ancestral dominions, is placed to direct that a Royal Salute shall be fired at every principal station in India. We may not err to guess that the new avatar of Gwalior continued to receive the Royal Salute whenever he visited the principal stations, for example, Dacca, Calcutta, Cuttack, Patna, Madras, Bombay, Lahore, Karachi, etc. till the British sun set over India.

In all fairness it needs to be added that Mahtab Chand, the Maharaja of Burdwan, a zamindar of the sprawling estates in Bengal, too had ingratiated himself to the British authorities for similar distinction, of course, on a lesser scale. A Bengal Civilian C.E. Buckland reveals that[….] at the Imperial Assembly at Delhi on 1st January 1877 he was granted as a personal distinction, the right to receive a salute of 13 guns. At the time of Santhal Rebellion in 1855 and again in the mutiny [1857-58] the Maharaja did everything in his power to help the Government by placing elephants and bullock carts at the disposal of the authorities and by keeping open the communications throughout his property.

, Meer Zaffars and, or their descendants for their collaboration with the colonial masters Names of a few are given here: Maharaja Sir Lachmesvar Singh Bahadur, KCIE, of Darbhanga [1880, 1893, 1895 and 1897]; Maharaja Sir Harendra Kishore Singh Bahadur, KCIE, of Bettiah, Champaran [1891]; Moulvi Syed Fazl Imam Khan Bahadur of Patna [1892]; Maharaja Sir Ravaneshur Prasad Singh Bahadur of Gidhour, Monghyr [1893, 1895]; Maharaja Mahtab Chand of Burdwan [1864]; Maharaja Jotindra Mohan Tagore [1870, 1872], Maharaj Jagadindranath Roy, Natore, Rajshashi [1894, 1897] etc.

Proclamations of rewards for apprehension of two prominent rebels merit our attention in this context. The Governor General had offered reward of Rs 25,000 for the arrest of Babu Kuwer Singh of Shahabad, Bihar, and Rs 50,000 for Moulvi Ahmadullah Shah of Fyzabad .The former has been duly recognised in history for his anti-colonial role during the Mutiny.The Moulvi wanted Raja Jagannath Singh of Pawain, a zamindar in district Shahjahanpur (UP), to join the anti-colonial war. With prior appointment, he went to meet the zamindar in his fortress-like  house. On arrival at the gate, he was greeted with a volley of gunshots from Jagannath Singh’s brother and retainers. The Moulvi breathed his last on the spot as a result. The martyr’s head was severed and carried in a piece of cloth with blood still oozing from it to the District Magistrate, Shahjahanpur by the zamindar.

For the centenary of 1857, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad had commissioned Prof. Surendra Nath Sen to write an objective history of the struggle. In his foreword, Maulana Azad adopts a somewhat magisterial tone: “As I read about the events of 1857, I am forced to the sad conclusion that Indian national character had sunk very low. The leaders of the revolt could never agree. They were mutually jealous and continually intrigued against one another. They seemed to have little regard for the effects of such disagreements on the common cause. In fact, these personal jealousies and intrigues were largely responsible for the Indian defeat.”

The ruling families of India, the aristocracy and the nobility, were perhaps more dreaded and hated by the people than were the British. There was no one to rally them to one standard.

How the Mutiny was Put Down


Here again it was British ” diplomacy ” that saved the British situation. The British rallied to their support the newly born aristocracy of the Punjab,— the Sikhs. The Sikhs had been persecuted and oppressed by the Mohammedans. They were not in a mood to look favourably at the chance of Mohammedan supremacy being re-established in India. They had had enough of the “Turk,” as they called every Mohammedan; and they threw the whole weight of their recently gathered virility on the side of the British. Popular perception based upon the accounts by historians, including Sikhs, is that the Sikhs supported the British. In Rebel Sikhs in 1857 the author has torn this into shreds. If Sikh princely states of Punjab supported the British, the heroic deeds, valour and sacrifices of the common Sikhs have been thoroughly researched and documented. Sikh rulers of Patiala (Maharaja Narender Singh), Jind (Sarup Singh), Nabha (Bharpur Singh) and Kapurthala (Raja Randhir Singh) had been substantially “supplying war materials as well as sepoys to the British Army” for which they were suitably rewarded. William Howard Russell of London Times wrote in a dispatch : “Our siege of Delhi Would have been impossible, if the Rajas of Patiala and Jhind (Jind) had not been our friends”. Islam explodes the thesis of R.C Majumdar “who refused to treat 1857 rebellion either as ‘National’ or ‘War of Independence”; rejected the claim that it was led by any kind of an ideal like patriotism, and believed the Sikhs were won by the British to avenge the insults the Mughals had inflicted on their gurus.

They were told and they believed, that in crushing the Mohammedan power, they were revenging themselves on the slayers of Guru Teg Bahadur, the oppressors of Guru Govind Singh, and the murderers of his sons. It was the thought of Sirhind and the incidents associated with the name of that cursed place,( Sirhind is a small town on the road to Delhi, where the Muslim governor of the time tortured the two minor sons of Guru Govind Singh to death by placing them between two brick walls.) that goaded them to the destruction of the last chance of Mohammedan supremacy in India. The mutiny failed, but its course showed with what intensity the mutineers hated the British. The Indians are a very kind-hearted people; they would not injure even an ant, much less a human being, if they could help it, but some of them were guilty of the most cruel excesses during the mutiny. The British, too, in their turn did not spare the Indians in any way either during the mutiny or after it. Innocent and guilty alike were placed before the cannon and shot in lots.( See Kaye and Malleson, vol. II, p. 367.) “ In respect to the mutineers of the 55th, they were taken fighting against us, and so far deserve little mercy. But, on full reflection, I would not put them all to death. I do not think that we should be justified in the eyes of the Almighty in doing so. A hundred and twenty men are a large number to put to death. Our object is to make an example to terrify others. I think this object would be effectually gained by destroying from a quarter to a third of them. I would select all of those against whom anything bad can be shown — such as general bad character, turbulence, prominence in disaffection or in the fight, disrespectful demeanor to their officers during the few days before the 26th, and the like. If these did not make up the required number, I would then add to them the oldest soldiers. All these should be shot or blown away from the guns, as may be most expedient. The rest I would divide into patches : some to be imprisoned marches through the country, British soldiers tortured men, women, and children, and sometimes hung their heads or carcasses on the trees. Both sides vied with ten years, some seven, some five, some three.”) In their1757 TO 1857 A.D. 95 marches through the country, British soldiers tortured men, women, and children, and sometimes hung their heads or carcasses on the trees. Both sides vied ( History of Indian Mutiny, Kaye and Malleson, vol. II, p. 203. “ Martial law had been proclaimed ; those terrible Acts passed by the Legislative Council in May and June were in full operation; and soldiers and civilians alike were holding Bloody Assize, or slaying natives without any Assize at all, regardless of sex or age. Afterwards the thirst for blood grew stronger still. It is on the records of our British Parliament, in papers sent home by the Governor General of India in Council, that the aged, women, and children, are sacrificed, as well as those guilty of rebellion. They were not deliberately hanged, but burnt to death in their villages — perhaps now and then accidently shot. Englishmen did not hesitate to boast, or to record their boastings in writings, that they had ‘spared no one,’ and that ‘ peppering away at niggers’ was very pleasant pastime, ‘ enjoyed amazingly.’ It has been stated in a book patronised by high class authorities, that for three months eight dead-carts daily went their rounds from sunrise to sunset to take down the corpses which hung at the cross-roads and market-places,’ and that ‘ six thousand beings’ had been thus summarily disposed of and launched into eternity.”

See Kaye and Malleson’s History of the Mutiny, vol. II, p. 177. “Already our military officers were hunting down the criminals of all kinds, and hanging them up with as little compunction as though they had been pariah-dogs, or jackals, or vermin of a baser kind. One contemporary writer has recorded that, on the morning of disarming parade, the first thing he saw from the Mint was a ‘row of gallowses.’ A few days afterwards the military courts or commissions were sitting daily, and sentencing old and young to be hanged with indiscriminate ferocity. On one occasion, some young boys, who, seemingly in mere sport, had flaunted rebel colours and gone about beating tom-toms, were tried and sentenced to death. One of the officers composing the court, a man unsparing before an enemy under arms, but compassionate, as all brave men are, towards the weak and the helpless, went with tears in his eyes to the commanding officer, imploring him to remit the sentence passed against these juvenile offenders, but with little effect on the side of mercy. And what was done with some show of formality either of military or of criminal law, was as nothing, I fear, weighed against what was done without any formality at all. Volunteer hanging parties went out into the districts, and amateur executioners were not wanting to the occasion. One gentleman boasted of the numbers he had finished off quite ‘ in an artistic manner,’ with mango-trees for gibbets and elephants for drops, the victims of this wild justice being strung up, as though for pastime, in ‘ the form of a figure of eight.’ “On mock trials see Holmes’ History of the Sepoy War, p. 124. “ Officers, as they went to sit on the court martial, swore that they would hang their prisoners, guilty or innocent. . . . Prisoners condemned to death after a hasty trial were mocked at and tortured by ignorant privates before their execution, while educated officers looked on and approved.” “ Old men who had done us no harm, and helpless women with sucking infants at their breasts felt the weight of our vengeance, no less than the vilest malefactors.” Again see History of the Siege of Delhi quoted by Savarkar in his “ War of Indian Independence,” p. 111, by an officer who served there, how, on the way from Umbala to Delhi, thousands were placed before a court martial in rows after rows and condemned to be hanged or shot. In some places cow’s flesh was forced by spears and bayonets into the mouths of the condemned. (All Hindus abhor cow’s flesh and would rather die than eat it.) See Charles Ball’s Indian Mutiny, vol. I, p. 257. “One trip I enjoyed amazingly; we got on board a steamer with a gun, while the Sikhs and the fusiliers marched up to the city. We steamed up throwing shots right and left till we got up to the bad places, when we went on the shore and peppered away with our guns, my old double-barrel bringing down several niggers. So thirsty for vengeance I was. We fired the places right and left and the flames shot up to the heavens as they spread, fanned by the breeze, showing that the day of vengeance had fallen on the treacherous villains. Every day we had expeditions to burn and destroy disaffected villages and we had taken our revenge. I have been appointed the chief of a commission for the trial of all natives charged with offences against the Government and persons. Day by day, we have strung up eight or ten men. We have the power of life in our hands and, I assure you, we spare not. A very summary trial is all that takes place. The condemned culprit is placed under a tree, with a rope around his neck, on the top of a carriage, and when it is pulled off he swings.” “ In the Punjab, near Ajnala, in a small island, many a Sepoy who had simply fled away from a regiment which was working under the reasonable fear of being disarmed and shot by the Government for suspicion, was hiding himself. Cooper with a loyal body of troops took them prisoner. The entire number, amounting to two hundred and eightytwo, were then conveyed by Cooper to Ajnala. Then came the question what was to be done with them. There was no means of transporting them to a place where they could be tried formally. On the other hand, each other in their cruelties. The victors have immortalised the reprisals (or say, the iniquities) of the vanquished by building permanent memorials on the spots where they were perpetrated; their own, they have forgotten, and so have perhaps the descendants of those who were the objects thereof, though they are recorded in history. The impression which a visit to these memorials leaves on the mind of an English visitor can be better realised by the following extract from an account published in The Outlook (the English journal) on the 3rd of April, 1915, over the signature of one F. G. A. Speaking of the mutiny memories and monuments of if they were summarily executed, other regiments and intending rebels might take warning by their fate, and thus, further bloodshed might be prevented. For these reasons, Cooper, fully conscious as he was of the enormous responsibility which he was undertaking, resolved to put them all to death. Next morning, accordingly, he brought them out in tens and made some Sikhs shoot them. In this way, two hundred and sixteen perished. But, there still remained sixty-six others who had been confined in one of the bastions of the Tahsil. Expecting resistance, Cooper ordered the door to be opened. But not a sound issued from the room; forty-five of them were dead bodies lying on the floor. For, unknown to Cooper, the windows had been closely shut and the wretched prisoners had found in the bastion a second Black-Hole. The remaining twenty-one were shot, like their comrades. 1 —’8 — ‘57. For this splendid assumption of authority, Cooper was assailed by the hysterical cries of ignorant humanitarians. But Robert Montgomery unanswerably vindicated his character by proving that he had saved the Lahore division.”— Holmes’s History of the Indian Mutiny, p. 363. “ It is related that, in the absence of tangible enemies, some of our soldiery, who turned out on this occasion, butchered a number of unoffending camp-followers, servants, and others who were huddling together in vague alarm, near the Christian church-yard. No loyalty, no fidelity, no patient good service on the part of these good people could extinguish, for a moment, the fierce hatred which possessed our white soldiers against all who wore the dusky livery of the East.” — Kaye and Malleson’s Indian Mutiny, vol. II, p. 438 Lucknow and Cawnpore, the writer remarks: “ Their mutiny memories are quite distinct, as are the impressions they leave on the pilgrim to these shrines of heroism and devilry. The battered ruins of Lucknow, testifying to a heroism so splendid as to rob even death of its sting, bring an inspiration that is almost joyous. Every crumbling gateway and every gloomy cellar has its tale of heroic endurance and magnificent defence, and the final relief of the beleaguered garrison wrote such a finis to the story as erased much of its earlier bitterness. . . . “ None of this forgiveness is conceivable in those who visit Cawnpore. Even the sculptured angel over the unspeakable Well bears, on one profile at any rate, an expression of stern condemnation that holds out no promise of pardon. The atmosphere of historic Cawnpore is one of haunting horror and a sadness that will not pass with the years. Time seems powerless to heal this rancour. I care not whether the pilgrim wanders through the beautiful Memorial Gardens (in which, significantly, no native is allowed to enter), feasting his eyes on the blaze Bougainvillea, or resting them in the shade of the peepul and the banyan, or whether he lingers in the strangely Italian-looking Memorial Church and reads the roll of honour that fills a series of mural tablets ; everywhere his soul will be filled with gloom and will cry for eternal vengeance on the authors of the massacre and on those who threw the dying with the dead into the awful blackness of the pit. These memories hold nothing but hate and horror, without one redeeming chapter to leave them with comfort or forgiveness.”

 

 

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INDIA from 1757 to 1857 A. D.- the century of struggle, both military and diplomatic.

Dr. V.K.Maheshwari, M.A(Socio, Phil) B.Sc. M. Ed, Ph.D

Former Principal, K.L.D.A.V.(P.G) College, Roorkee, India

Aurangzeb, the 6th Mogul Emperor of India, died in 1707 A. D. Within fifty years of his death, the Mogul sovereignty in India was reduced to its last gasp. The seeds sown by his bigotry, fanaticism, and suspicious nature were ripening and bringing to his successors a harvest of dissensions and discords, of rebellions and revolts. In the North as well as the South, forces had been generated which threatened the end of the Mogul rule. The martyrdom of Guru Teg Bahadur, the Sikh Guru, who was foully murdered at Delhi, where he had gone on a mission of peace, had sunk deep into the hearts of his followers, and his son, Guru Govind Singh, was organising forces which were destined to supplant Mogul rule in the Land of the Five Rivers.(The Punjab)

In the Deccan, Sivaji’s (Sivaji was the founder of the Mahratta Empire in India.)   standard and throne had become the rallying point of the fighting forces of Southern India. By 1757 A. D., the Sikhs in the Punjab and the Mahrattas in the Deccan had succeeded in undermining the foundations of the Mogul rule, which was now steadily disintegrating. The Nizam of Hyderabad, and the Nawab of Mysore had asserted their independence and were disputing the mastery of the Deccan with the Mahrattas. Similarly the Nabobs of Bengal and Oudh owed only nominal allegiance to the King of Delhi. The greater part of the peninsula, Central India, was under the Mahrattas.

Conflict of French and English in India

The political fate of India was hanging in the balance, when a power arose to take advantage of the disturbed conditions of things. The French and the English both entered the arena, taking different sides, and began to shuffle their cards. They sold their help to the highest bidder, and at the conclusion of every game, or even in the midst of it, changed partners as often as they could in the interest of their respective masters. The first military achievement of note, which gave decisive advantage to the British, was at the battle of Plassey in 1757. That practically gave them the key to the sovereignty of India. From 1757 to 1857 was the century of struggle, both military and diplomatic. The one end kept in view was the making of the Empire and the amassing of wealth.

How British Rule in India was established

India was conquered for the Empire not by the English themselves but by Indians under English leadership, and by taking advantage of Indian disputes. When the English, following upon the Portuguese, first landed in India for the purpose of commerce, they were almost overwhelmed by the wealth and magnificence of the potentates whose friendship they asked for and whose protection they craved. At the time their connection with this part of Asia began, India was a great and rich country whose trade had been sought after for centuries by the peoples of the West. If civilization is to be gauged by the standard attained in science[1], art, architecture, agriculture, industry, medicine, laws, philosophy and religion, then the great States of India at that period were well worthy of comparison with the most enlightened and cultured parts of Europe and no European monarch could be reckoned as in any way superior to Akber, Aurungzib, Shah Jehan, or Sivaji; while it would be hard to name any European Minister of Finance equal to the Hindoo Rajahs Toder Mull and Nana Furvanais.

Hindus were played against the Mohammedans, and vice versa, states and principalities against states and principalities, Jats against Rajputs, and Rajputs against Jats, Mahrattas against both, Rohillas against Bundelas, and Bundelas against Pathans, and so on. Treaties were made and broken without the least scruple, sides were taken and changed and again changed without the least consideration of honor or faith. Thrones were purchased and sold to the highest bidder. Military support was purchased and given like merchandise. Servants were induced to betray their masters, soldiers to desert flags, without any regard to the morality of the steps taken. Pretenses were invented and occasions sought for involving states and principalities in wars and trouble. Laws of all kinds, national and international, moral and religious, were all for the time thrown into the discard. Neither minors nor widows received any consideration; the young and the old were treated alike. The one object in view was to loot, to plunder, and to make an empire. Everything was subordinated to that end. One has only to read Mill and Wilson’s “History of British India,” Burke’s “Impeachment of Warren Hastings,” Torrens’ “Our Empire in Asia,” Wilson’s “Sword and Ledger,” Bell’s “Annexation of the Punjab” to find out that the above is a bare and moderate statement of truth.

Methods of Consolidation of British India

Policies (fiscal, industrial, religious, educational) were all discussed and formulated from one point of view, viz., the establishing of British authority, the consolidation of British rule, and pecuniary gain to the East India Company. If one were to pile up “scraps of paper” which the British destroyed or disregarded in the making of their Indian empire, one could fill a decent sized box therewith. The administrations of Wellesley and Dalhousie alone would furnish sufficient material for the purpose. We do not know of anything in Indian history which could be compared with the deeds of this century. It was a century of consistent, prolonged, and deliberate spoliation, subtle and scientific sometimes, in the pursuance of which all laws of morality, humanity, and fairness were tossed aside, and the object in view was persistently and doggedly kept in view and achieved. It was not the doing of this man or that man, but, with some noble exceptions, of the whole body of Administrators sent by the East India Company to manage their affairs in the East. The policies and doings of the various rulers that were sent from England to administer the affairs of India differed in degree only.

British Public Ignorant of Facts

It is true that the British people as a whole had no notion of what was going on in India. They were as ignorant of it, then, as they are to-day of the doings of their countrymen in that vast “continent.” It sufficed for them to know that their countrymen were carving an empire there, conquering provinces and bringing millions of alien people under British rule; as it suffices for them to know to-day that they have an empire in India. India brought them wealth and material prosperity. Individuals became fabulously rich and their wealth filtered downward and filled the whole British nation. The nation became rich by the dividends of the East India Company, and by the enormous profits which British manufacturers and British traders made by the fact of British supremacy in India. That was enough for the nation. Even when their moral sense was at times shocked by certain disclosures, which by chance found their way into the press or into the literature of the country, it was soon calmed and set at rest by the speeches made by the statesmen at the helm of affairs, who explained them away, excused their authors on political grounds, and laid down in high, grandiloquent terms that the general aim of British rule in India was beneficent, and that this aim was steadily being pursued. The impeachment of Warren Hastings by Burke should have opened the eyes of the British public as to what was happening in India; but the eventual acquittal of that famous pro-consul set matters at rest. And Warren Hastings was by no means the worst offender. What happened then is happening every day in India, only in a different way and on a different scale.

Democracies have no time for the critical examination of the affairs of other countries and other people. They have their own trouble, enough and to spare. They look to material benefits, and their imagination is fired and their mind is thrilled by the fact of so many millions being under their rule. In the case of the British, both combined make them proud of their countrymen, who rule and administer India in their name. They have no reason to be critical. Human nature is human nature after all. Ordinary human nature is not inclined to be critical at gains, especially when it does not directly feel the iniquity of the methods by which those gains are made. But this is only by the way. Mountstuart Elphinstone expressed himself as follows:“Englishmen in India have less opportunity than might be expected of forming opinions of the native character. Even in England few know much of the people beyond their own class, and what they do know they learn from newspapers and publications of a description which does not exist in India. In that country, also, religion and manners put bars to our intimacy with the natives and limit the number of transactions as well as the free communication of opinions. We know nothing of the interior of families but by report, and have no share in those numerous occurrences of life in which the amiable parts of character are most exhibited. Missionaries of a different religion, judges, police magistrates, officers of revenue or customs, and even diplomatists, do not see the most virtuous portion of a native, nor any portion unless when influenced by passion or occupied by some personal interest. What we do see we judge by our standard. It might be argued in opposition to many unfavourable testimonies that those who have known the Indians longest have always the best opinion of them; but this is rather a compliment to human nature than to them, since it is true of every other people. It is more to the point that all persons who have retired from India, think better of the people they have left, after comparing them with others even of the most justly-admired nations.”

Conquest of India Diplomatic, not Military

The British conquest of India was not a military conquest in any sense of the term. They could not conquer India except by playing on the fears of some and the hopes of others, and by seeking and getting the help of Indians, both moral and material. The record is as black as it could be; but nothing succeeds like success, and all that is largely a forgotten page so far as the present generation of Indians is concerned. Only one feels disposed to smile when one hears of Indian nationalists being charged in British-Indian courts with attempting to subvert “the government established by law.” One is inclined to ask “By what law?” and “Who made that law ?”

British “conquest” of India from 1757 to 1857 A. D. is a continuous record of political charlatanry, political faithlessness, and political immorality. It was a triumph of British “diplomacy.” The British founders of the Indian empire had the true imperial instincts of empire-builders. They cared little for the means which they employed. Moral theorists cannot make empires. Empires can only be built by unscrupulous men of genius, men of daring and dash, making the best of opportunities that come to their hands, caring little for the wrongs which they thereby inflict on others, or the dishonesty or treacheries or breaches of faith involved therein. Empires can only be conceived by Napoleons, Bismarcks, Disraelis, Richelieus, and Machiavellis. They can only be built by Gives, Hastings, Wellesleys, and Dalhousies. Burkes and Gladstones cannot do that work, nor can Morleys, though they may connive at others doing it, and might accept it as fait accompli.

Previous invaders and conquerors of Hindostan mostly settled in the conquered territory and invariably employed the natives in the highest posts civil and military. Native ability was made use of in every department of the administration. Men of capacity, however humble their birth, might and did rise to be the highest functionaries of a Mohammedan monarch or became the heads of considerable Hindoo Empires themselves. The people were thus not crushed down by successive waves of interlopers who never make their homes in the country and drain away its produce steadily to a foreign land. But under English rule the old system has been completely changed. The result of the great battles of Plassey, Assaye, Wandiwash, Seringapatam and Gujrat has been to deprive 225,000,000 of Indians of all control over the policy and administration of their own country and to put even the great Native States, which still retain a nominal independence, increasingly at the mercy of the same despotic power. Up to the time of the mutiny, even to half-a-century ago, this system of complete domination was not so fully worked out as it has been since; and the rule of the famous East India Company which lasted till 1858 was far lighter and more considerate of the interests of the population than has been the Government of the Crown. Not a single one of the solemn pledges given by the late Queen of England and Empress of India, in favor of justice to Indians, has ever been fulfilled and the Indians find themselves to-day, after 150 years of British domination, in a far worse position, in regard to having any control over their own affairs, than they have ever yet been. Here and there an Indian is allowed to creep into the Civil Service on sufferance, or specially servile persons are rewarded by the Government with seats on the Legislative Councils, where they have no authority whatsoever; these, however, are but exceptions which prove the rule.

It is claimed by the supporters of European domination that this army, though admittedly entailing heavy charges, is cheaply purchased; seeing that, by its presence, peace is ensured from one end of Hindostan to the other. But the horrors of peace, even in the Western World, are often worse than the horrors of war, and in India this is unfortunately still more apparent. The vigor and intelligence of one-fifth of the human race is being kept down by this despotic peace. Beautiful arts are falling into decay. Native culture is being crushed out. Agriculture is steadily deteriorating. Anything in the shape of patriotism or national feeling is discouraged, and its advocates are persecuted and imprisoned. Denunciation of the wrongs of British rule is treason and legitimate combination to resist tyranny is a pernicious plot. Peace is not worth having at such a price, even if accompanied by increasing wealth. But when such peace goes hand in hand with growing impoverishment for the mass of the people, then clearly we are face to face with an utterly ruinous and hateful system.

The British Empire in India is the most striking example in the history of the world of the domination of a vast territory and population by a small minority of an alien race. Both the conquest and the administration of the country have been exceptional, and although the work has been carried on, save in a few directions, wholly in the interest of the conquerors, the English have persistently contended that they have been acting really in the interests of the subdued peoples. As a matter of fact, India is, and will probably remain, the classic instance of the ruinous effect of unrestrained capitalism in Colonial affairs.

Reference-

LALA LAJPAT RAI:Young India-An interpretation and a history of Nationalist movement from within -First Published in 1916

HYNDMAN: Report on India of the “Social Democratic Federation” (Great Britain), Stuttgart (1907)

 

 

 

 

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Lord Curzon and Indian Education- Neither appropriate nor opportune

Dr. V.K.Maheshwari, M.A(Socio, Phil) B.Sc. M. Ed, Ph.D

Former Principal, K.L.D.A.V.(P.G) College, Roorkee, India

“The Educational policy devised by Lord Curzon has given a correct analysis of the brighter and darker aspects of the contemporary Indian education; but unfortunately though the diagnosis was correct, the remedy suggested was neither appropriate nor opportune. Lord Curzon was right in many things he said; but it was the way in which he wanted to reform that raised grave suspicions in the minds of the educated Indians. They thought that this reform move camouflaged some deep political motive”  A.N. Basu , ‘Education in Modern India’.

Lord Curzon came to India as Viceroy in 1899.  Lord Curzon came to India in a very crucial period of Indian history. This was the beginning of 20th century and severe famine and epidemic of Plague had crippled the social life of the people.  But the people of the country started realising the need for a system of education that would represent our national character. Several national leaders like B.G. Tilak, Annie Besant, C. R. Das, Dadabhai Naoroji, Gokhale had emerged and helped in the development of the spirit of nationalism.

The education system, which the British had worked out to consolidate their rule, within four decades, produced results contrary to their expectations. The Curzon reforms reflected the fact that necessary changes had to be made corresponding to the needs of the ruling classes.

The beginning of the 20th century marked a great change in the educational policy in India. The Laissez faire system of education introduced by the Woods Despatch of1854 and reiterated by the India Education Commission of 1882 was reversed by Lord Curzon. The liberalization of educational policy during the latter half of the 19th century was viewed with distaste by Lord Curzon as it resulted in increased criticism of governmental policies. Therefore, Curzon planned to reform the educational structure by officialising Indian education through higher control

He formulated a rather ambitious programme of reforms to be introduced into the administration of the country. One of these reforms related to education. Every one in the country, who has had anything to do with education in India, was of opinion that the country was very backward in education and that the system of education there in vogue was defective. It laid too great stress on the literary side and did not fit people for the battle of life; it gave undue importance to the English language and Western modes of thought, at the cost of the vernaculars and the indigenous civilization of the country; it encouraged “cram” at the cost of real merit; it produced a class of imitators and left little scope or none for originality; it invited third class men from England to fill the highest positions in the educational service of the country, and placed the best native intellect and talent under them to starve and rot for want of opportunities; it did not recognize the duty of the Government to look after the education of the child from the beginning until he was fit to fight his own way in the world.

The educational system of the country required radical changes, but what was most needed was that the Government should be prepared to spend adequate sums of money for its spread and in order to make it efficient. Lord Curzon’s pronouncements and programme therefore raised great hopes in the minds of the people. His University Commission was simply flooded with suggestions and statements from Indians and Anglo-Indians. The two classes, however, discussed the matter from entirely different standpoints : The Indians wanted greater facilities for education, more schools, more colleges, more masters, more stipends, an extension of primary school education, abler and better-paid teachers, freedom of private enterprise, ample provision for technical and industrial education ; but what they wanted most and cared for most was that education should be more nationalized and humanized. The Anglo-Indians wanted a curtailment of the educational opportunities, a greater and stricter control of private enterprise, a raising of university standards, and a system of education which would curb the rising generation and make them more easily amenable to discipline and obedience.

Lord Curzon did go into all these questions, but the decision arrived at convinced the educated Indians that the motive which underlay Lord Curzon’s policy was the tightening of government control, the strangling of all independence in matters educational, and the eventual weakening of all national movement and national sentiment.

Lord Curzon’s Secret Educational Conference

Lord Curzon’s educational reforms started with the Simla conference held in September 1901, a starting point of an era of increased educational activity and earnest prosecution of educational reforms  The first step in the educational reform that Lord Curzon initiated was the holding of a conference at Simla in September 1901. This was the first conference on all India basis. The conference was attended by the Provincial Directors of Public Instruction, representatives of the Christian Missionaries and a few selected educationists. But the representatives of the Indian people were conspicuously absent. The conference continued for a fortnight. Lord Curzon himself presided over the conference and took a very prominent part in drafting the resolution. All total 150 resolutions were passed, which were mostly unanimous and which covered all the stages of Indian education from primary to university level.

The Commission submitted its report in June 1902 and its major recommendations were: enlarged legal powers to the older Universities, local limits of Universities, recognition of Universities as teaching bodies, senate, syndicate, and the faculties to be more representative of the affiliated institutions and properly constituted governing bodies for each college.

These resolutions formed the basis of the Government Resolution of 1904 on Education Policy.

The fact that he admitted no Indian to the meeting of the Secret Educational Conference held at Simla, when he formulated the government policy, strengthened that idea. His University Legislation shocked the country beyond measure and left no doubt whatsoever that what he aimed at was a complete official control of all education in India. Educated Indians read between the lines and concluded that it was a mistake to look to the Government to do things or to follow a policy which might quicken the national pulse, strengthen the Nationalist sentiment, or add to the efficiency of the people so as to fit them to stand on their legs and desire to get rid of the leading strings in which they were held by the British.

Lord Curzon’s Primary Education Policy

Actually, the policy of Lord Curzon marked the beginning of a new era in the history of primary education in India. He correctly identified that money was the main hurdle to achieving the objectives of primary education. Accordingly, he followed the policy of sanctioning liberal grants from the Government funds for its expansion and consequently there was a considerable increase in the number of pupils attending primary schools. Curzon also stopped the discriminatory system of payment by results and introduced the more scientific method of paying recurring and non-recurring grants to remove financial difficulties. As a result the number of recognised primary schools increased from 93,604 in 1901-02 to 1,18,262 in 1911-12, i.e., within a period of 10 years .

Lord Curzon also tried to remove traditionalism in our primary education system and introduced subjects like Agriculture and Physical education in the primary school curriculum to make it more useful, practical and modern. He made provision for training of the teachers and make their pay scale improved and uniform.

Besides these, Curzon tried to introduce improved method of teaching like the Kindergarten method and gave importance on developing the reasoning power rather than mechanical memorization. By observing all these we must admit that Lord Curzon tried to bring the spirit of modernization in our primary education.

Primary Education and Elementary Education used Interchangeably  hereafter. Government was in favor of it initially but later rejected it on the ground that the scheme was not well worked out and that all the local governments were against it and the suspicion that the intention was to overthrow British Raj

In the well-known resolution of January 1901 the sole purpose was to revolutionise school teaching in Bengal. Presidency by the introduction of a system under which ‘Children are trained and not taught, this is to say, trained to do and learn things by themselves. It strove to activate the innate intelligence of the children for its proper growth. The school work was to become for children a developed part of their everyday life, while habits of accuracy and obedience were to be inculcated by the process of stick-laying and simple physical exercise and action song  ”

These high goals were felt quite difficult to realise, but the intention of the authors of resolution of 1901 was that “bad teaching with a good education system will produce better results than bad teaching with a bad and unsound system”. The resolution also mentioned clearly that the then prevailing system was quite mechanical system of training, where in the memory was used for imparting education.

Curzon’s Secondary Education Policy

As a whole, we may term his secondary education policy as ‘successful’ because it raised the quality of secondary education. His policy to make the secondary schools receive recognition from the Government as well as from the university helped in improving its quality of education. Many private secondary schools had to close down for the failure to get recognition because of which many nationalist Indians criticized Lord Curzon for his policy and expressed that he wanted to crush nationalistic upsurge. But his strict policy helped to improve not only the quality of education but also the quality of administration of secondary schools also.

Secondly, as the schools had to take recognition from the University, they had to give importance on teacher training and raising the academic standard in order to send their students for matriculation examination.

Thirdly, it is worth mentioning that it was Lord Curzon who insisted that mother tongue should be the medium of instruction up to middle level. For this measures many poor students were able to receive education through their own languages. This paved the way for introducing mother tongue as a medium of instruction in secondary schools in later stages.

Curzon’s University Education Policy

But the unfortunate result of Curzon’s reforms was the excessive officialisation of the University administration. No doubt Curzon was trying to bring education under the control of the Government to suppress the nationalist movement in India, but his educational policy introduced efficiency and improvement in the quality of education and was the basis of the educational system for many years to come.

It is clear from the above discussion that Lord Curzon wanted to control the functioning of the universities and thereby break the autonomy of the universities. In the recommendations of the Indian University Commission of 1902, there was no proposal for establishing new university. Moreover, there was no representation of any Indian in the two Commissions because of this for his policy did not find favour with the Indian Public. Although two Indian members— G. D. Banerjee and Syed Hasan were included in later stage yet even the then Indian public did not feel happy. They were suspicious of the intention of Curzon and felt that through policy that the Govt. wanted to suppress nationalism. Many private colleges had to close down because of the policy of shrinkage of higher education taken by Lord Curzon. The number of degree colleges reduced from 192 in 1902 to 170, within a span of 10 years. This had received widespread criticism. But we cannot deny the fact that Curzon gave importance on improving the standard and quality of higher education. The credit for initiating a university improvement campaign was moving slowly but steadily towards its well defined objectives.

Indians and Lord Curzon at Cross Purposes

Indians saw that they and Lord Curzon were at cross purposes. They aimed at self-government and freedom; Lord Curzon aimed at prolongation of the period of their bondage and the permanence of the existing political conditions. We wanted independence; he wanted us to be dependent on the British. We wanted to quicken the pace of national advance; he wanted to slacken it. We wanted to be assertive and self-reliant; he wanted us to be submissive and in permanent control and tutelage. We wanted to go forward, he mistrusted us. We wanted a policy of honest confidence; instead of that he inaugurated a policy of suspicion. We wanted unity, he proceeded to bring into existence fresh causes of friction between community and community. We wanted the marshaling of our forces in the common cause, he proceeded to divide us and to keep us apart. We wanted consolidation, and he started active disintegration. We wanted an extension of representative, Lord Curzon did his best to discredit the institutions that had been granted and to set back the hands of the clock.

The Congress Deputation to England in 1905

The leaders of the Indian National Congress saw all this ; they resisted Lord Curzon’s policy rather boldly; they spoke with courage; they sought his patronage and sent their president to wait on him. Lord Curzon refused to see him and thus slapped the Congress in the face. He characterised their activities as the letting off of “gas.” Their resolutions he looked upon with contempt because, as he said, nothing had ever come out of them. The leaders felt offended, they fretted and foamed. But all they resolved to do was to appeal to the British public. So a deputation was sent to England in 1905 to place the grievances of India before the British public.

This deputation was composed of Messrs. Gokhale . They addressed a large number of meetings in Great Britain, made many friends, saw some politicians; but they were not very hopeful as to the results. One of them on his return (the present writer) struck an unmistakable note of despondency. He frankly told his people that the British democracy was too busy with their own affairs to do anything for them, that. the British press was not willing to champion Indian aspirations, that it was hard to get a hearing in England, and that the influence and the credit of the Anglo-Indians was too strong to be met successfully by the necessarily inadequate agitation which the Congress could set up in England. On his return to India the message which he brought to his people was, that if they really cared for their country, they would have to strike the blow for freedom themselves, and that they would have to furnish unmistakable proofs of their earnestness.

His message was in no way different from what Mr. Hume had told the graduates of the Calcutta University in 1883, or in his pamphlets “The Star in the East” and the “Old Man’s Hope.”

The Congress of 1905

This was the first time that an Indian publicist had spoken in that strain. The swadeshi and boycott had already been started in Bengal during his absence from India. Even Mr. Gokhale approved of the boycott as a political weapon. So the message which he brought fell on willing and sympathetic ears. The country was in a mood to listen to it, and it did listen. The Congress Session of 1905, held at Benares,( Presided over by the Honourable Mr. G. K. Gokhale, a member of the Viceroy’s Council. )    gave an opportunity for comparing notes and for settling a programme.

When the meeting of the Subjects The resolution relating to Swadeshi,( Swadeshi means the cult of home industries, i. e., the use of the articles made in the country )   boycott, and national education, again evoked lively discussion resulting in compromise, wherein the principles for which the Nationalists stood were conceded.

In the Congress camp, the younger generation had met in open conference to discuss their future programme. It was then that Mr. Tilak gave out the idea of passive resistance. No formal resolutions were passed, but the better mind of the people present decided to inaugurate an era of self-help and self-reliance based on an active boycott of government service and of the semi-government institutions.

Object of the Passive Resistance Movement

The object was to create a passionate love of liberty, accompanied by a spirit of sacrifice and readiness to suffer for the cause of the country. This was to be done more by example than precept. What the programme was may better be stated in the words “ Boycott both economic and political, boycott of foreign and especially British goods, and of all honorary associations with the administration, national education implying a withdrawal of the youths of the nation from the officialised universities and government-controlled schools and colleges, and training them up in institutions conducted on national lines subject to national control and calculated to help the realisation of the national destiny, national civic volunteering, aiming at imparting a healthy civic training to the people by the voluntary assumption of as much of the civic duties, at present discharged by official or semi-official agencies, as could be done without any violation of the existing laws of the country,— duties, for instance, in regard to rural sanitation, economic and medical relief, popular education, preventive police duties, regulation of fair and pilgrim gathering,— settlement of civil and non-cognisable, criminal disputes by means of arbitration committees : — these were the proclaimed methods of the Nationalist school.”

Now it should be noted here in passing, that with the exception of boycott and volunteering, every other item in the above propaganda had been more or less tried and with varying success in all parts of the country, but more particularly in the Punjab and Maharashtra before this. The Deccan education Society and the Poona Fergusson College were the offshoots of the desire to further the cause of education by self-imposed sacrifices, with the underlying motives of quickening the patriotic impulse and the Nationalist spirit. Similarly Swadeshi, co-operative organisations, and private arbitration courts had been thought of and tried. The motives underlying these attempts were absolutely patriotic, combining an element of philanthropy in them. The private colleges in Bengal, started by Vidyasagar and others, were also due to the same impulse, and so was the Pachaipiya College at Madras. Bombay had its own schemes and was ahead of the rest of India in purely Indian industrial and trade organisations. Similarly in the Punjab the idea of swadeshi had been started as early as 1877. The motives were economic and patriotic. The idea of national education had found expression in the D. A. V. (Dayanand Anglo-Vedic) College, and that of national co-operative organisations in the “Punjab National Bank,” the “Bharat Insurance Company” and other joint stock concerns. Religious and philanthropic motives had brought into existence the Hindu orphan movement, the famine relief movement, and so on. A little volunteering had also been attempted in connection with the famine relief movement and the Kangra earthquake relief movement. Long before 1905, the Punjab had a network of privately organised, privately financed, unaided schools and other charitable institutions, over which the Government had little effective control. Patriotism and philanthropy were the underlying motives of these institutions, but not politics.

The ruling bureaucracy did not quite like these activities, but they could not suppress them. Individual officers sometimes sympathized and even helped these movements. So far Bengal had been rather backward in the matter of national development on these lines. So, when Lord Curzon proclaimed the partition of Bengal, attacked the veracity of the orientals in his Calcutta University convocation speech, and on other occasions called them cowards, windbags, unpractical talkers, and mere frothy patriots, the Bengalees awoke to a consciousness of their weaknesses, and resolved to revenge themselves upon Lord Curzon, and prove to the world at large that Lord Curzon was a liar.  Moreover the keynote of these organisations was association and co-operation with Government, and not independent self-assertion.

Lord Curzon was severely criticised in his days. He failed to create faith and confidence in the minds of educated Indians. They thought that his reform had some deep political motives. For the socio-political condition of the country in those days it was not possible to evaluate Curzon’s activities in an objective and impartial manner. But now it is admitted that Lord Curzon did yeoman service to the cause of Indian education. During his days every aspect of education received his keen attention and it was Lord Curzon who started the movement for educational reconstruction in India. He laid the foundation of the reforms of Indian universities and tried to raise the standard of Indian higher education. He recognised the responsibility of education by the central Govt. Standards of secondary education was also raised through rigid and regular inspection and stricter condition of recognition. Due to his patronage expansion of primary education was striking. Technical and vocational education received impetus in his hands. Reforms were also introduced in agriculture education, department of Agriculture was established and arrangement was made for agricultural research. His attempt to preserve the ancient monuments of India and creation of a department of Archaeology was praiseworthy.

 

 

 

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BRITISH RULE IN INDIA- FROM 1857 TO 1905- Period of Cultural Denationalisation

 

Dr. V.K.Maheshwari, M.A(Socio, Phil) B.Sc. M. Ed, Ph.D

Former Principal, K.L.D.A.V.(P.G) College, Roorkee, India

The 1857 mutiny was quelled. The leaders among the mutineers were killed, hanged or shot, and with them a lot of those who were innocent. Many of the rank and file were pardoned, as no government could shoot or hang all those who had taken part in the mutiny. The crown assumed the direct government of India. The Queen’s Proclamation and the policy of “mercy and reconciliation” inaugurated by Canning calmed the country.

The Bengalee Babu

The only parts of the country which had received some education on modern lines were the provinces of Bengal, Bombay and Madras. The number of educated men even in these provinces was small. In the work of settlement that followed the mutiny, these educated men found ample scope for their ambition. Men who knew English had the advantage over those who did not. Men with a knowledge of English were few. The posts requiring a knowledge of that language were many. Consequently, the English-knowing Indians were in great demand and secured ample salaries to make them “happy and loyal.” The English-knowing Bengalees spread over the whole of Northern India, and materially helped in bringing about settled conditions of life. They were the pioneers in every department of governmental activity and were looked to, both by the rulers and the people, for advice and guidance. The Bengalee is a sentimental being. His position under the Government filled him with pride and his gratitude and loyalty were overflowing. The British also liked him because he was useful, intelligent, keen, shrewd, ready to serve, and willing to be of use. He relieved the British officer of much of his intellectual work, and left him ample time for play and rest. Many a departmental head ruled the country with the brain of the “Bengalee Babu.”

The Bengalee Babu worshipped the Feringhee  ( A native term equivalent for Europeans.)  as Mai Bap,( This is a native expression signifying the highest respect of the speaker towards one whom he considers his superior. Literally it means mother and father.)  and began to imitate him in his tastes. He began to live as the Britisher lived; English life, English manners and customs, became his ideal. Gradually he became very fond of English literature and began to think as an Englishman thought. The Bengalees were the first to send their sons to England for their education and to compete for the I. C. S. (Indian Civil Service) and the I. M. S. (Indian Medical Service). They with the Parsees were the first to qualify for the bar. In England they lived in an atmosphere of freedom. With freedom in drinking and eating they also learned freedom of thought and expression.

The first generation of the Bengalees was thus Anglicised through and through. They looked down upon their own religion ; they thought poorly of Indian society. They knew nothing of their own past history, and they glorified in being “Sahibs.”

Some of them became Christians. Alarmed at this transformation, Ram Mohan Roy and a few others resolved to stem the tide. For a time they succeeded, but only partially. Be it said to the credit of the Bengalees that a fairly good number refused to be carried downstream, and in spite of their English education stuck to their own religion and their own customs. They saw a good deal in their society which needed reform; but they declined to make sweeping changes and would not imitate. These veterans laid the foundations of the modern Bengalee literature. They wanted to pour their knowledge, derived from a study of English language and literature, into their own mother tongue, and in order to enlarge the vocabulary of the latter for their work, they had to study Sanskrit. Thus in spite of the Anglification of the first generation of Bengalees, there grew up a class of men imbued with nationalistic tendencies. Ram Mohan Roy, the founder of Brahmo Samaj, was the first nation builder of Modern India.

For a time the field that was opened for the employment of English-educated Bengalees in Upper India (in the then N. W. Provinces, in the Punjab, in Behar, in Central India, in Rajputana, even in Sindh). Ram Mohan Rai checked the growth of these tendencies. The feeling of gratitude and contentment was supreme. The Bengalee was indispensable in almost every department. The reins of practical management were mostly in Bengalee hands, whether it was a court of justice, or a Revenue Commissioner’s office, or a commissariat depot, or an adjutant’s camp, or the department of land survey, or education. The heads of departments were always English, but the heads of ministerial establishments were generally Bengalees. The English could not do without them. The former did not know the language of the country, nor did they know the character of the people. The Bengalees were thus an absolute necessity. With the spread of a knowledge of the English language, the first generation of English-knowing Indians in every province came to occupy an important position. While the old fashioned Pandit or Moulvie sulked, the English knowing Hindu or Mohammedan basked in sunshine and flourished. The British laid down policies and gave orders ; the English-knowing Indian saw that they were carried out. They thus came to enjoy the confidence of their masters and imitated their vices.

But what was most important was that they began to think like their English masters. The English read their newspapers ; so the Indians started their newspapers. The English met in clubs and churches. So the Indians started Samajes and Sabhas and debating clubs. For a time the English knowing Indian prided himself in imitating his master. He took his dress, he took his cheroot and pipe, and also his cup and beefsteak. He began to live in houses built and furnished in the English way. He detested Indian life and took pride in being Anglicised. Everything Indian was odious in his eyes. The Indians were barbarians ; their religion was a bundle of superstitions; they were dirty people ; their customs and manners were uncivilised; they were a set of narrow-minded bigots who did not know that man was born free. So the English set the fashion for them in everything. If their English masters went to church and read the Bible, they did the same. If the English masters indulged in free-thinking, they did the same. They wanted to be like their English masters in every way. Their ambition, however, soon met a check. They could equal the British in drinking and in free-thinking, but they could not aspire to his position and place in the government of the country. Some of them decided to try this in the case of their sons. They sent them to England. A few passed the Indian Civil Service and the Indian Medical Service examinations, others became barristers. Both found out by bitter experience that, however able and clever they might be, whatever their intellectual acquirement, no matter if they were Christians, or semi-Christians, or free-thinkers, there was a limit to their aspirations both in service and out of it. That was the first eye-opener.

In the meantime, the thoughtful among the Indians, who had not taken to English manners, were anxiously watching the flow of the current. They saw the disintegrating and denationalising forces that were at work ; they saw that their national edifice was crumbling down brick by brick ; everything which they had valued and held sacred was being devastated and treated with contempt and reduced to ashes. Their own children were deserting the old banners to which innumerable generations before them had clung with love and reverence. They saw all this; they were sorry; they wept tears of blood; but they could do nothing. They were powerless before the tide. They tried palliatives, but failed. What was fatal to their pious wishes was that they could not themselves resist the fruits which English education brought in the shape of emoluments and rank and position. They wanted these fruits without the thorns. They soon found that that was impossible, and so they gave up the struggle in despair and became reconciled to the inevitable. What they failed to achieve was, however, brought about by a combination of circumstances which we will briefly enumerate below.

Forces Resisting Denationalisation

1. The English education imparted in schools and colleges established by the British, and the Christian missions (in some instances supplemented by Indian agencies), opened the gates of Western thought and Western literature to the mass of educated Indians.

2. Some of the British teachers and professors who taught in the schools and colleges consciously and unconsciously inspired their pupils with ideas of freedom as well as nationalism.

3. The over-zeal of the missionaries in their attacks upon Indian religions and Indian thought suggested to Indian minds a closer and deeper study of their own religion and thought.

4. In this they were materially helped by the awakening of Europeans to the thought of the East. The labours of the European savants and their appreciation of Eastern thought kindled a fresh fire in the bosom of Hindus and Mohammedans.

5. The writings of Ram Mohan Roy, Debendra Nath Tagore, Rajendra Lai Mitra, in Bengal, those of Ranade, Vishnu Pandit and others in Mahrashtra, of Swami Dayanand and Sir Syed Ahmad Khan in Upper India, of Madam Blavatsky and the other Theosophists in Madras, brought about a new awakening, which afterwards received an even stronger impetus from the writings and speeches of Mrs. Annie Besant and Swami Vivekananda. This was on the religious and social side mainly, but its national character was unmistakable.

Political Disappointments

The current produced by these causes met another current, which was generated by political disappointments. The aspirations of the educated Indian had met a check. The few successes gained by Indians in the Indian Civil Service examinations alarmed the British, and they sought for means of keeping them out. One of the means adopted was to require that the candidates should not be more than 19 to 21 years of age at the time of examination, an age so young as made it impossible for Indians to come over to England and successfully compete. This raised a howl and cry in Bengal, and the rest of the country followed Bengal. Then came other measures like the Vernacular Press Act of Lord Lytton, and the remission of cotton duties,( In the interests of Lancashire goods  )  and so on. The generation educated in England had some experience of the methods of political agitation in that country, and they soon began to organise on those lines. Political agitation on modern lines thus became a fact of Indian life, and English-educated Indians began to talk of liberty and self-government.

Thus were laid the foundations of the national awakening, of which so much has been heard of late. The methods of the English Government in India, their educational system, their press, their laws, their courts, their railways, their telegraphs, their postoffices, their steamers, had as much to do with it as the native love of country, of religion and nation, which had received a temporary check by the crushing defeat of the mutineers in 1857, and by the Indian people’s too ready acquiescence in the political and social domination of the foreigner which ensued.

This time, however, the movement was brought into existence by those who had received their inspiration from Europe. Within less than twenty years after the great mutiny, the Nationalist Movement of India was born, almost at the same time and place at which Lord Lytton was presiding at the great Imperial Durbar, and announcing that the great Queen of England was assuming the title of Empress of India. The Durbar reduced the chiefs of India from the position of allies to that of feudatories, but it quite unconsciously and against the intentions of its authors raised in theory the status of the Indian subjects of the Queen to that of citizens of the British Empire. Little did the authors of that Durbar realise the inner significance of the move they were making. That Durbar, we may say, marked the beginning of the movement which filled the educated Indian with the idea of obtaining his rightful place in the Empire. He became articulate and began to assert himself. He was no longer satisfied with the minor positions which he held in the Government of India. He claimed his country as his own, and raised the cry of “India for the Indians.” His cry gained strength when he found that the India which he looked down upon in the fifties or sixties, the system of thought and life which he considered barbarous, primitive and old fashioned, and the past which he despised, were after all not so bad as he had thought.

The latter was the contribution of the Brahmo Samaj, the Theosophical Society, the Society for the Resuscitation of Sanskrit Literature, the Bengal Sahitya Parishad, the Maharastra Sabha, the Arya Samaj, the Sanatan Sabhas and other societies of a similar nature. The Bengali and the Mahratta writers, who had carried on researches in Indian history and unearthed valuable documents and written in their respective vernaculars, contributed materially to the growth of this feeling. The Theosophical Society began to praise and justify every Hindu institution and to find science in every custom. In fact, for a time, the thoughtful began to fear lest the pendulum was swinging the other way and we were in the midst of a wave of reaction.

Lord Ripon- An exceedingly kind man

India was in this state of fermentation, religious, social and political, when Lord Ripon was appointed to the viceroyalty of India. Lord Ripon was an exceedingly kind man and commanded a broad outlook. He was very lucky in having come on the heels of an exceedingly unpopular Viceroy like Lord Lytton. Lord Lytton was a Tory of pronounced imperial tendencies. Under the inspiration of Disraeli, he had by an unworthy trick on the ruling chiefs of India changed their position from that of allies to that of feudatories; he had gagged the vernacular press by his press legislation; he had blundered into a bloody Afghan war and was responsible for several other reactionary measures. Lord Ripon started by undoing most of what Lord Lytton had done. He repealed the Vernacular Press Act, which at once set the seal of popular approval on his administration. The most important of his achievements were, however, constructive. He formulated a policy of local government, and thus laid the foundations of representative institutions in India; he substituted merit for patronage and jobbery in filling public services, by organizing competitive examinations for filling a certain number of posts in the higher branches of the subordinate services; last but not least, he resolved to so alter the criminal law as to place the European and the Indian on an equal footing in the matter of trials.

All this aroused the bitterest anger of the Anglo-Indian officialdom. The Anglo-Indians opposed every one of these measures. They ridiculed the idea of introducing any measure of local self-government in India, and predicted that that must be the beginning of the end. They called the measure rash and ill-advised and impracticable. The natives were incapable of self-government, they said. Their religious and social differences made it impossible. Officialdom was equally opposed to the filling of any posts in government service by open competition. This would bring in the ” Babu,” and the ” Babu ” they had now begun to hate and look down upon. The ” Babu ” was a ” low-caste hybrid,” who wrote bad English and talked of liberty and equality, who lacked in qualities of docility and submissiveness, which had so far characterised persons appointed by selection. This interfered materially with the prestige of the Lord of the District, as people could now get “high” appointments under the Government independently of him. Why should the people respect him any more? His was a government by prestige, and measures like these of Lord Ripon would destroy it. So prophesied the heaven-born “white Brahmins.” But the worst offence of Lord Ripon was the “Ilbert Bill,” ( Mr. Ilbert was the Law member of the Council of the Governor General and the bill came to be named after him. )  which aimed at placing the European and the Indian on an equal footing in the eyes of the law, and would remove the disabilities of the Indian Magistrate in the matter of the trial of the white men. “Shall we be judged by the Nigger?” “shall he send us to jail?” “shall he be put in authority over us ? Never ! It is impossible! Better that British rule in India should end than that we be obliged to submit to such humiliating laws.” The whole tribe of the Anglo- Indians (official and non-official) opposed the measure most vehemently, and attacked Lord Ripon as never viceroy was attacked before by his own countrymen in India. They called him insulting names, passed resolutions condemning his administration wholesale, proposed his recall before the expiration of his period of office, and did everything possible to make him feel that they hated him.

His unpopularity among the Anglo-Indians made him popular among the Indians. The press and the platform sang his praise. The country was ablaze with excitement. Never before under British rule had the country been so enthusiastic in political matters. In Lord Ripon, they thought, they had found a political Messiah. They gave him addresses, unharnessed horses from his carriage, in many places, and otherwise showed their love and regard for him, which exasperated the European community beyond measure. The Europeans saw in all this a menace to their power, and the beginning of the end of imperial despotism in India. They thought they were on the verge of losing India. In Lord Ripon the Indians recognized the first British viceroy who was prepared to make an honest attempt at giving effect to the pledges given and the promises made by Queen Victoria in her famous proclamation of 1858, when the administration of India passed into the hands of the regular British Government. Lord Ripon lost the battle on the particular measure which had aroused the anger of the European community more than anything else, viz., his proposed amendment of the Criminal Procedure Code. A compromise was made by which the principle of the bill was really abandoned. But he had raised hopes and aspiration which were, so to say, the beginning of political life in India. On the expiration of his term of office, the Indians agitated for an extension of his term, which was not granted. However, they gave him a farewell which still rings in the ears of the older generation of Indians who took part in it, in Calcutta, in Bombay, in Benares, and other places.

Lord Ripon left a permanent impression on the minds of the Indians. Lord Hardinge has won a great deal of popularity, but it is doubtful if he is so universally loved and honoured as Lord Ripon was. Lord Dufferin However, the point of the story is, that when Lord Ripon left India, the country was in a state of perturbation. There was a great deal of tension still lingering between the Indian and the European communities. The fire was still smoldering when Lord Dufferin took charge of the office of viceroyalty. He had been brought up in diplomacy. To him diplomacy was like mother’s milk. He was a diplomat by birth as well as by training. His mission was to appease the anger of the governing class and in a quiet way to undo what Lord Ripon had done. But he thought that perhaps it might be dangerous to go at it straight. The cry of political liberty and political equality had been raised. It was impossible to satisfy it; yet it might be dangerous to strangle it by force. It was impossible to revive the Vernacular Press Act of Lord Lytton. It was impossible to stifle political life which had sprung up in the atmosphere created by Lord Ripon’s policy, and which was making a rather precocious growth. The more it was opposed, ridiculed and despised, the more it thrived. So he decided to guide it and to make it as innocuous as it could be without rousing the suspicions of those who were to be the tools.

Reference-

LALA LAJPAT RAI: YOUNG INDIA-AN INTERPRETATION AND A HISTORY OF THE NATIONALIST MOVEMENT FROM WITHIN

First Published in 1916

 

 

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NATIONALISTS IN BRITISH INDIA

Dr. V.K.Maheshwari, M.A(Socio, Phil) B.Sc. M. Ed, Ph.D

Former Principal, K.L.D.A.V.(P.G) College, Roorkee, India

“Here is your country. Cherish these natural wonders, cherish the natural resources, cherish the history and romance as a sacred heritage, for your children and your children’s children. Do not let selfish men or greedy interests skin your country of its beauty, its riches or its romance.”
― Theodore Roosevelt

The Indian Nationalists, too, are divided into two parties, the physical force party and the moderate party. The following account of the types is intended to show the different lines of their thinking.

The Extremists

To take up the extremists first: There are some who do not recognize the British Government at all. They think that the Government of the British in India is founded on force and fraud. They have therefore no scruples to use force as well as fraud against the Government. In their eyes every one who is helping the Government in India either by accepting their service or otherwise by willing co-operation, abets the crime of which the Britishers are guilty. They do not recognize British laws nor their courts. They have no respect or use for either. They believe that their nationalism gives them the right of removing everyone who stands in the way of their propaganda, whether by force or fraud. In their heart of hearts they are against every one who supports the British Government in India, but in the prosecution of their object they do not desire to strike at all of them. But if need be they are prepared to strike at any one. They have declared war against the British Government. Their leaders have assumed the right of passing sentences against those who are of the enemy. They judge and deal severely with those whom they think guilty of treason against them. The fact that the British Government is the enemy against whom they have declared war, gives them the right to loot British treasuries and injure their property wherever and whenever they can. The other principle stated above justifies in their eyes the taking by force of the property or wealth of those who would not give it willingly or voluntarily for the safety of the state as conceived by them. Hence the “dacoities.”

A few Nihilists

The men engaged in those dacoities are of two kinds : There are those who have no moral or religious scruples. They are “nihilists.” But their number is exceedingly small. They are not immoral people. For their own self or for private persons, they would not do anything which in any way contravenes the prevailing code of morality; they would neither steal nor rob, nor kill nor injure any person. But for the purpose of their movement they would do anything.Some of them are the followers of the “Kali” ( Name of a religious sect. cult as it is understood in Bengal; others are Vedantists.) There are some who are deists or theists.

Religions Extremists

In every case, however, they believe that the British are the enemies of their Motherland and also of their religion. They would not touch one hair of any one simply because that person belonged to a religion different from theirs; but they would not scruple to kill any one who interferes with their religion. They believe that they owe their lives to the Motherland, whom they worship as the means of enabling them to be worthy of the worship of the Supreme Mother of the Universe.

The Mother Worshippers

“ The so-called idolatry of Hinduism,” he says, “is also passing through a mighty transfiguration. The process started really with Bankim Chandra,( A great Bengalee writer of fiction who composed the wellknown nationalist song, “ Bande Mataram “ or Hail Motherland.)    who interpreted the most popular of the Hindu goddesses as symbolic of the different stages of national evolution. Jagatdhatri— riding a lion which has the prostrate body of an elephant under its paw, represented the motherland in the early jungle-clearing stage. This is, says Bankim Chandra, the mother as she was.

Kali, the grim goddess, dark and naked, bearing a garland of human heads around her neck,—heads from which blood is dripping, and dancing on the prostrate form of Shiva, the God —this, says Bankim Chandra, is the mother as she is, dark, because ignorant of herself; the heads with dripping blood are those of her own children, destroyed by famine and pestilence; the jackals( Or the foreign exploiters.)   licking these drippings are the symbol of desolation and decadence of social life, and the prostrate form of Shiva means that she is trampling her own God under her feet.

Durga, the ten-headed goddess, armed with swords and spears in some hands, holding wheat-sheaves in some, offering courage and peace with others, riding a lion, fighting with demons ; with Sarasvati, or the goddess of Knowledge and Arts, supported by Ganapati, the god of Wisdom, on her one side, and Lakshmi, the goddess of Wealth, protected by Kartikeya, the leader of the Heavenly army, on the other side — this, says Bankim Chandra, is the mother as she will be.

This interpretation of the old images of  gods and goddesses has imparted a new meaning to the current ceremonial ism of the country, and multitudes, while worshiping either Jagatdhatri, or Kali, or Durga, accost them with devotion and enthusiasm, with the inspiring cry of Bande Mataram. All these are the popular objects of worship of the Indian Hindus, especially in Bengal. And the transfiguration of these symbols is at once the cause and the evidence of the depth and the strength of the present movement. This wonderful transfiguration of the old gods and goddesses is carrying the message of new nationalism to the women and the masses of the country.”

Vedantists

Behind the new nationalism in India stands the old Vedantism of the Hindus. This ancient Indian philosophy, divided into many schools, has one general idea running through it from end to end. It is the idea of the essential unity of man and God. According to this philosophy, Substance is one though expressed through many forms. Reality is one though appearances are multitudinous. Matter, in the eye of this philosophy, is not material, but essentially spiritual, the thought of God concreted. Man is the spirit of God incarnated. The meaning of cosmic evolution is to be found, not in itself, but in the thought of the Absolute. The Absolute, or Brahman, is the beginning, the middle, and the end of this evolutionary process. He is the Regulative idea. He is cosmic evolution. He is progressively revealing himself through the world process. In man, the Divine idea, or the Logos, comes slowly to consciousness of itself. The end of human evolution is the fullest realization of man’s unity with God. Long, especially in what may be called the middle ages in India, this essential unity between God and man was sought to be realized through metaphysical abstractions, by negation of the social and civic life. There was an undue emphasis on the Subjective and the Universal to the neglect of the realities (however relative they might be) of the Objective and the Particular.. Neo-Vedantism, which forms the very soul and essence of what may be called Neo-Hinduism, has been seeking to realize the old spiritual ideals of the race, not through monkish negations or medieval abstractions, but by the idealization and the spiritualisation of the concrete contents and actual relations of life. It demands, consequently, a social, an economic, and a political reconstruction, such as will be helpful to the highest spiritual life of every individual member of the community. The spiritual note of the present Nationalist Movement in India is entirely derived from this Vedantic thought. “ Under the influence of this Neo-Vedantism, associated to a large extent with the name of the late Swami Vivekananda, there has been at work a slow and silent process of the liberalization of the old social ideas. The old bigotry that anathematized the least deviation from the rules of caste, or the authority of custom, is openly giving way to a spirit of new tolerance. The imperious necessities of national struggle and national life are slowly breaking down, except in purely ceremonial affairs, the old restrictions of caste. In the new movement, old and orthodox Brahmins are rendering open obeisance to the heterodox and non-Brahmin teachers. There is an evident anxiety to discover spiritual and traditional authority for even the outrages that some of these have committed against the old social and sacerdotal order. And where no such authority could be found, their personal freedom of thought and action is being condoned on the principle that those who are to be the saviors of their nation stand, like the mendicant and the holy man, above all law. And all this is a proof of the strange hold that the new nationalist propaganda has got on the real mind and soul of the people.”

They are patriots who have raised their patriotism to the pitch of a religion. Their religion remarkably fits in with their patriotism and makes the latter indescribably intense and alive. Their whole life is permeated with it. They realize their “duty” every moment of their life and they are prepared to do anything and take any and every risk in the performance of that duty. They live on little; their food is abstemious; they scrupulously avoid liquor; they clothe themselves scantily; luxury they do not know. They can fast for days and go without sleep for days. Generally they are men of their word, men of honor, imbued with a strong idea of self-respect, true to their vows; men who are not swayed by lust or passion. To this class belonged most of the Maniktolah party, Barendra and his friends. But it is evident that there are some theists among them, i. e., theists in the Western sense of the term. The man who shot Gossain, the first approver in Bengal, was a Brahmo (member of the Brahmo Samaj). They have some Mohammedans and some Christians, too, among them. Brahm Bhandu Bandhopadhyai was a Christian at one time. These people have followers and adherents throughout India, in the Punjab, in the United Provinces, in Maharastra, in Gujrat, in Behar, in Rajputana, even in Madras.

Advocates of Organised Rebellion

(Next  come those who differ from the first in so far as they do not believe in individual murders or dacoities. For traitors and approvers even they have no mercy, but they would not murder individual. It was in the first half of the year 1908 that the first bomb was thrown at Muzaffarpur, Behar. It was meant for a Magistrate who had been passing sentences of whipping on nationalist youths, but by mistake it struck a quite innocent person. The investigation of this case resulted in the discovery of a big conspiracy. The trial of this conspiracy is known by the name “Maniktolah Bomb Case” from the fact that the headquarters of this conspiracy were alleged to have been in the Maniktolah gardens, Calcutta. One of the conspirators Narendra Nath Gossain became an approver. After the case had been committed for trial before the Sessions Court and when the app rover and the accused were both lodged in jail at Alipore, one of the leaders of the conspiracy shot the approver dead with a rifle which had been smuggled into the jail premises by their friends.

British officers or Indians in the service of the Government; nor would they rob private persons. They are for organised rebellion, for tampering with the army, for raising the standard of revolt, and for carrying on a guerilla war. For the purposes of this rebellion or war they may do and will do anything that is necessary to be done ; but otherwise they would neither murder nor loot.

The Terrorists

This  class of Nationalists consists of those who would like absolute independence, but who do  not believe that it is possible in the near future. They approve of the occasional use of bomb and revolver for terrorist purposes ; especially now when no other method has been left of carrying on a propaganda of freedom. The press has been gagged; the platform has been dismantled. Any vigorous political propaganda, including strong criticism of the Government and its methods, is out of the question, No one can point out the political and economic disasters of foreign rule, much less discuss it with reference to actual facts and figures. There is no other way of reminding the people at home and abroad of the standing and colossal wrong which the British Government is guilty of in keeping India under her yoke. In their opinion, the occasional use of the bomb and the revolver is the only way to assert their manhood and their desire for freedom, and to announce their dissatisfaction and discontent. It attracts attention all over the world. It makes people think of India. At home it reminds people of the wrongs they have suffered and are suffering at the hands of the Government. At first it shocks the people, but then it stirs them to think. The bomb has entered Indian life, perhaps never to leave it. They abhor it, but they are getting accustomed to it. They do not now think so badly of those who use the bomb as they once used to.

Advocates of Constructive Nationalization

In this class are  those who want independence, but not at once. They would rather consolidate the nation, raise its intellectual and moral tone, increase its economic efficiency, before they raise the standard of revolt. They do not believe that England will ever free them or give them even Colonial Self-Government except under very great pressure. They do not believe that nations let things go out of their grip or hold if they can help it, and unless their own safety demands it. In their opinion the Congress as well as the bomb have come rather early. They would have the nation apply herself wholeheartedly to the work of education and consolidation.

They do not want the British to go until the people of India are sufficiently strong to turn them out by force, and are able to protect themselves and to maintain their independence and their liberties against the outside world. They recognize the force of the argument that the British may never allow them to grow so strong as to be able to win their liberty, and by waiting they might lose all conscious desire for political freedom and might become permanent parasites. They, however, think that they can guard against such possibilities by keeping their nationalism alive and by occasionally suffering for it. Driven to this corner, they admit that now that the Congress and the bomb have come, they might stay. In the opinion of some both are useful in their own way. They would not advocate the use of the bomb and the revolver; in fact they might in all seriousness dissuade people from using them, but when they are used, they would not give up the offenders even if they knew who they were. They would approve the use of the bomb and the revolver against individual tyrants or against people who insult Indian manhood and womanhood, as in the present state of racial and political feeling in India no other way is open to bring them to book and get justice against Englishmen, but they do not like the use of the bomb and the revolver for general political purposes or for terrorizing. These people believe in a propaganda of selfless social service. The people must be approached and won over by service and love, before any political upheaval is attempted.

Nothing can be achieved without the help of the people. “ We must have the people with us,” say they. “ And in order to win the people to our side, we must show them conclusively that we have their interests at heart, that we love them perhaps more than we love ourselves, that we are disinterested and public spirited and that we are in every respect better and more honorable than the foreign rulers. Our moral superiority over the agents of the foreign government must be ever present in the minds of the people in order to enable them to support us and back us in the coming political struggle.” In their eyes the Congress propaganda has no other value but educational. They have no faith in the benevolence of British statesmen and they do not believe that the Congress would achieve anything substantial. They are very uncertain about the future, and therefore to them, the best course open is to engage in educational and social work. They are neither dreamers nor idealists, but practical patriots, who are content to do the spade work and sow the seed. They confess that they can not see far ahead and are therefore afraid of the demoralizing influences of the bomb and the revolver. Nor can they justify political robberies and dacoities. They think that, this time, independence should come never to be lost again, and in their judgment that is only possible if independence is not won by a few but by the whole united nation. In the meantime they would wait and build up their nation.

The Congress has failed, they say, because it has been trying to get political concessions from above. The right policy is to work from below. They do not believe in “mendicancy”; nor do they place any reliance in “benevolence and philanthropy in politics.” On the other hand, they differ from the extremists in their methods, as they believe in a steady development of the national mind and the national will and have no faith in heroic remedies. They do not care to run the risk of “relapses.” They contain in their number some of the noblest sons of India, whose life is a record of continuous selfless service in the field of social work. They should not be confounded with the “resolution” patriots of the Social Conferences or other conferences; nor should they be judged by the length of their speeches or their fluency or capacity to deliver long orations in English. They are generally modest people who do not claim erudite scholarship or great statesmanship. They do not go in for any recognition, whether from the Government or from the people. The satisfaction of their own conscience and undisturbed work are the only rewards they seek.

Brahmo Samaj, Arya Samaj, Ramakrishna Mission

They are to be found in all sections of the great Indian nation, in all religions, and in all communities. They live simply on simple fare, in simple and scanty garments and in simple houses. They earn in order to give. They live in order to serve. To this class belong some of the Bengalee deportees, and to this class belong a great many members of the Brahmo Samaj, the Arya Samaj, and the Ramakrishna Mission. They have large followings, but yet their number is by no means great. They are well known in their respective circles, but are not so well known outside, as the “extremists” and “moderates” are. The C. I. D. (Criminal Investigation Department) of the Government keeps a close watch over them ; the government officers keep themselves informed of their movements and doings. They want to be left alone and allowed to do their work quietly and ostentatiously, but the Government will not leave them alone and suspects them of deep designs and secret propaganda.

The Moderates

There are some who would not advocate the use of the bomb or the revolver, but who do not desire the total disappearance of the extremist party; and the occasional use of the bomb and the revolver gives a point to their organisation which they would not lose. Lacking the intelligent support of the masses in their propaganda, being too lazy to court it by legitimate means, or too self-centered to run the risk involved therein, they are heartily glad of the existence of a party in the country which has raised their importance in the eyes of the Government and the British public. Of course they do not say so and their abhorrence and detestation of the bomb and the revolver is quite genuine, yet they would be very sorry if the extremist party were extirpated altogether.

Congress Leaders

A great many Congress leaders are true patriots, but they have such an abnormal love of peace and luxury, that they can not even think of methods which might even remotely result in disturbances of peace, in riots, and in disasters. Hence their detestation of the extremist methods and their distrust of carrying on a propaganda among the masses. They would proceed very, very slowly. Of course, there are some among them who are cowards, some who are self-seekers, who hanker after judgeship, memberships, knighthoods, and so on, but we do not count them as nationalists, and history knows of no political party which was absolutely free from such weaknesses. There are some among the Congressmen who are moderates by profession, but extremists in their ways of thinking, lacking the courage of identifying themselves with the latter; just as there are some who are Congressmen in name, but are really out and out loyalists seeking opportunities of advancing their own interests. Then there are some who favor constitutional agitation, but want to make the Congress more self-assertive and self-sufficient. They would pass resolutions on current topics but would have no petitioning or praying or memorializing.

Passive Resisters

There are others who would go even farther and inaugurate a campaign of passive resistance and boycott. The Congress thus claims as many types of nationalists as the extremists. The Passive Resisters  come to the front when Mr. Gandhi, the great Hindu Passive Resister, undertakes to organize them.

 

 

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